KÅNTA : I KOMETSI­ÅNTEN SAIPAN

The Saipan Big Four

Top Level : Jose Tenorio (Joeten), Manuel Villagomez (Manet Kiyu)

Lower Level : Herman Guerrero (Hetman Pån), Escolastica Cabrera (Esco)

This song by Candy Taman recognizes the successful efforts of Saipan's four main entrepreneurs after World War II. After the destruction of war, and at the time an undetermined political future, these four business pioneers lead the way for many others. As Candy points out, their commercial success flowed back into the community through the generosity of the four.

Este tres na señores yan i un señora :
(These three gentleman and one lady :)
si Joeten, Kiyu, Hetman Pån yan Kolåstika,
(Joeten, Kiyu, Hetman Pån and Kolåstika,)
yan i asaguan-ñiha :
(and their spouses :)
si Daidai yan si Tan Iching
(Daidai and Tan Iching)
si Tan Maria yan kontodo si Ton Goro.
(Tan Maria and also Ton Goro.)

Desde i finakpo' gera nai ma tutuhon man tenda.
(Since the end of the war they began owning stores.)
Man manusune sa' ti tatkilo' i eskuela.
(They persevered because schooling wasn't high.)
Si Ton Hetman panadero,
(Ton Hetman was a baker,)
Joeten,  Kiyu lateria,
(Joeten, Kiyu sold canned goods,)
ya si Kolåstika i magågo yan guyuria.
(and Kolåstika clothing and guyuria.)

Poko menos i benta sige ha' ma umenta.
(Stocks were low but they kept increasing.)
Ginen un sen asta i dollar *
(From one sen up to the dollar) 
lao sige ha' ma muttiplika.
(but it kept multiplying.)

På'go sa' man gefsaga.
(Now they are rich.)
Korason-ñiha man geftao.
(Their hearts are generous.)
Meggai ayudun-ñiha gi taotao.
(Their assistance to people is a lot.)
Dångkulo i kontribusion
(Great is their contribution)
ekonomia, komunidåt
(to the economy, community)
sa' man manhongge nai gi che'cho' karidåt.
(because they believe in works of charity.)

Poko menos i benta sige ha' ma umenta.
(Stock were low but they kept increasing.)
Ginen un sen asta i dollar *
(From one sen up to the dollar) 
lao sige ha' ma muttiplika.
(but it kept multiplying.)

Pues hafañe'los respeta.
(So brethren respect.)
Nihi ya ta supotta
(Let us support them)
kino un taotao hiyong
(rather than an outsider)
tåya' probecho-ta.
(where we have no benefit.)
Ta nå'e onro ya ta fan banidoso.
(Let's give honor and be proud.)

* A sen was a Japanese cent. Saipan of course used Japanese money until the Americans took over the island in June/July of 1944.

BRIEF BIOGRAPHIES

Jose Camacho Tenorio - Better known as Joeten. Founder of Joeten Enterprises, beginning in 1947 selling sodas and beer. From a basic grocery store to a multi-million dollar company including hotels, auto dealership and many more.

Manuel Seman Villagomez - Better known as Manet Kiyu. Besides being a police officer, he and his wife started a store. He left his police job eventually to focus on the business and it expanded over time. He used profits to invest in land. His land holdings increased, some of them proving lucrative as they were located in prime tourist and commercial areas. He also bought properties in the US mainland. 

The generosity of both Joeten and Manet Kiyu helped fund the building of the main public library in Saipan, which is named for both of them.

Herman Reyes de León Guerrero. Better known as Hetman Pån. He began working for the US military on Saipan right after the war baking bread. With their encouragement, he went into private business doing the same. Over the years the bakery has expanded its product line and added a sit-down eatery. The bakery is popular beyond Saipan and Herman's products are often brought to the other islands whenever someone goes to Saipan.

Escolástica Borja Tudela Cabrera. Better known as Esco, but also as Kolåstika and Åtika. She was married to Gregorio Camacho Cabrera. After the war, she learned some skills working for the US military and officers' wives and then opened a beauty shop and did dress making, eventually opening a store where her own baked goods became popular.

They all gave back to the community in large and generous ways.

VERSIÓN ESPAÑOLA

(traducida por Manuel Rodríguez)

CANCIÓN: LOS COMERCIANTES DE SAIPÁN

Los cuatro grandes de Saipán.

En primer lugar: José Tenorio (Joeten) y Manuel Villagómez (Manet Kiyu).

En segundo lugar: Herman Guerrero (Hetman Pån) y Escolástica Cabrera (Esco).

Esta canción de Candy Taman reconoce los esfuerzos exitosos de los cuatro empresarios principales de Saipán tras la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Después de la destrucción de la guerra, y en ese momento con un futuro político incierto, estos cuatro pioneros empresariales abren el camino para muchos otros. Como señala Candy, su éxito comercial revirtió en la comunidad gracias a la generosidad de ellos cuatro.

Este tres na señores yan i un señora:

(Estos tres señores y una señora:)

si Joeten, Kiyu, Hetman Pån yan Kolåstika,

(Joeten, Kiyu, Hetman Pån y Kolåstika,)

yan i asaguan-ñiha:

(y sus cónyuges:)

si Daidai yan si Tan Iching

(Daidai y Tía Iching)

si Tan Maria yan kontodo si Ton Goro.

(Tía Maria y con todos Tío Goro).

Desde i finakpo' gera nai ma tutuhon man tenda.

(Desde el final de la guerra comenzaron a ser dueños de tiendas).

Man manusune sa' ti tatkilo' i eskuela.

(Perseveraron porque la escolarización no era alta).

Si Ton Hetman panadero,

(Tío Hetman era panadero)

Joeten, Kiyu lateria,

(Joeten, Kiyu vendían latería)

ya si Kolåstika i magågo yan guyuria.

(y Kolåstika ropas y guyuría).

Poko menos i benta sige ha' ma umenta.

(Pocas cosas para la venta pero seguían aumentando).

Ginen un sen asta i dollar *

(Desde un sen hasta el dólar)

lao sige ha' ma muttiplika.

(seguían multiplicándose)

På'go sa' man gefsaga.

(Ahora son ricos).

Korason-ñiha man geftao.

(Sus corazones son generosos).

Meggai ayudun-ñiha gi taotao.

(Su ayuda a las personas es mucha).

Dångkulo i kontribusion

(Grande es su contribución)

ekonomia, komunidåt

(a la economía, a la comunidad)

sa' man manhongge nai gi che'cho' karidåt.

(porque creen en obras de caridad).

Poko menos i benta sige ha' ma umenta.

(Pocas cosas para la venta pero seguían aumentando).

Ginen un sen asta i dollar *

(Desde un sen hasta el dólar)

lao sige ha' ma muttiplika.

(seguían multiplicándose)

Pues hafañe'los respeta.

(Pues los hermanos se respetan)

Nihi ya ta supotta

(Apoyémoslos)

kino un taotao hiyong

(en lugar de a un extraño)

tåya' probecho-ta.

(donde no tenemos ningún provecho)

Ta nå'e onro ya ta fan banidoso.

(Honrémoslos y estemos orgullosos)

* Un sen era un centavo japonés. Saipán, por supuesto, usó dinero japonés hasta que los estadounidenses tomaron la isla en junio / julio de 1944.

BIOGRAFÍAS BREVES

José Camacho Tenorio - Mejor conocido como Joeten. Fundador de Joeten Enterprises, a partir de 1947 vende refrescos y cervezas. Prosperó desde una tienda de comestibles básica hasta una compañía multimillonaria que incluía hoteles, concesionarios de automóviles y mucho más.

Manuel Seman Villagómez - Mejor conocido como Manet Kiyu. Además de ser un oficial de policía, él y su esposa abrieron una tienda. Finalmente dejó su trabajo de oficial para concentrarse en el negocio y se fue expandiendo. Utilizó sus ganancias para invertir en tierras. Sus propiedades aumentaron, algunas de ellas resultaron lucrativas ya que estaban ubicadas en áreas turísticas y comerciales de primer nivel. También compró propiedades en los Estados Unidos.

La generosidad de Joeten y Manet Kiyu ayudó a financiar la construcción de la biblioteca pública principal en Saipán, que lleva el nombre de ambos.

Herman Reyes de León Guerrero. Mejor conocido como Hetman Pån. Comenzó a trabajar para el ejército estadounidense en Saipán justo después de la guerra haciendo pan. Con su esfuerzo, entró en negocios particulares haciendo lo mismo. Con los años, la panadería expandió su línea de productos y agregó un restaurante. Su panadería es conocida más allá de Saipán y los productos de Herman a menudo se llevan a otras islas cada vez que alguien visita Saipán.

Escolástica Borja Tudela Cabrera. Mejor conocida como Esco, pero también como Kolåstika y Åtika. Estuvo casada con Gregorio Camacho Cabrera. Después de la guerra, aprendió algunas habilidades trabajando para el ejército de los EE. UU. y las esposas de los oficiales y luego abrió una tienda de belleza y confeccionó ropa, y finalmente abrió una tienda donde sus propios productos hechos al horno se hicieron populares.

Todos revirtieron en la comunidad de manera amplia y generosa.

THE OUTHOUSE

A SLICE OF OLD GUAM

As well as the rest of the Marianas.

Even today you might see an outhouse - the kommon sanhiyong - here and there in a hidden rural area of the island. But I am old enough to remember outhouses even in densely populated Sinajaña in the 1960s, right in between the houses.

In the prewar days, many families just didn't have the money to pay for indoor plumbing. Many of the houses were just not built for that either. According to the sanitary inspector in Hagåtña before the war, only 20% of the 1200 houses in the capital city had indoor plumbing. Most people did their toilet business in the kommon sanhiyong built in between houses.

After the war, many homes were made of wood and tin roofing, and indoor toilets were just not part of the plan, financial or otherwise. Even when people could afford a modern bathroom, some were just so used to the outdoor toilet that they continued to use them. One of my neighbors in old Sinajaña had both an indoor modern toilet and a kommon sanhiyong which predated the new indoor toilet. They never bothered to pull down the outhouse because the family was large and a second toilet came in handy for so many users.

"It kept the bad odors outside the house," an older lady shared with me, whose family could have added a modern toilet but kept the outhouse until they replaced their wood and tin roof house with a concrete one in the 1970s.

People were putting TV antennas on their roofs and driving brand new cars and parking them next to the outdoor toilet they were still using, despite their new cash flow.

The outhouse used no water and usually no store-bought toilet tissue so owners didn't care if the neighborhood kids used theirs, as there was no added expense. I remember the one in our neighborhood was available to all the kids if they were playing outside and their own indoor toilets were too far for an emergency. Sometimes one outhouse was shared by more than one family.

Six to ten feet. The hole was usually between six to ten feet deep. The deeper the better because in time you would cover the human refuse with soil or what have you and the hole would become shallower.

No door knob. Sometimes not even a handle. So the unlocked door was slightly ajar. You walked in and closed the door by using a simple hook latch.

Sit over the hole. The toilet was just a piece of ply board with a large hole cut in. I remember looking into the hole and seeing nothing. It was too dark to see anything in the hole. But the smell told you what was in the hole. I don't remember it being particularly bad. Just musty. Or earthy.

Odor Control. One way to control the foul odors was to burn newspapers or dead vegetation in the hole. A favorite one was dead banana stalks, which had dried out, were chopped into smaller chunks and dropped into the toilet then set on fire. The hole was deep enough that the fire wasn't a threat but the smoke replaced the odor of the human waste. Don't be surprised, though, if all sorts of critters (cockroaches, rats) scurry out of the hole.

The Daily News. You had to buy the daily newspaper anyway. In 24 hours, the newspaper became obsolete. Rather than let the paper go to waste, we used the paper for human waste. That's what we wiped ourselves with. I remember going into the outhouse and finding newspapers and even mail order catalogs lying around for us to use. Sears and Montgomery Ward.

Someone even came up with a little ditty about it, using the Håfa Adai song :

ORIGINAL SONG	KOMMON SANHIYONG VERSION
In America they say, “How are you?” Filipinos say, “Kumusta kayo? But when you’re on Guam you simply say, “Hafa Adai! Hafa Adai!”	In America they use toilet tissue. Filipinos use banana leaf. But when you’re on Guam you simply use Daily News. Daily News.

TEN CENT TOILET TISSUE IN THE OLD DAYS

INTO THE OCEAN

OUTHOUSES IN PREWAR SUMAY

Straight into the water

Even better than the  kommon sanhiyong in your backyard was when you could do your business into the ocean. That way nothing accumulated in your backyard for flies to gather and transport harmful bacteria to you or your homes.

In Hagåtña and all the coastal villages, there were a few piers that stretched out as far as it could over the water. A small shack was built at the end and into the water went your human waste. You can see the ones in Sumay before the war in the pic above.

A man who was a teenager before the war in Hagåtña told me how people would send their kids to these seashore outhouses with their "honey dew" buckets of human waste and dump them there.

courtesy of Joe Quinata GPT

Some of the seaside outhouses weren't that far from shore, as seen in the pic above of a public outhouse in Humåtak in the 1960s. I am told that in some places the concrete foundation can still be seen.

MORE THAN GOING TO THE TOILET

The kommon sanhiyong was used for more than its intended purpose. Since the outhouse was avoided, due to the smell and contents, except when truly needed, some people found it a convenient place for things you wanted to hide.

Hiding Things

One man growing up in the 1950s was so naughty that he was regularly whipped by his parents with the kuåtta, the dreaded cow's tail whip. He told me that several times, when his parents weren't around, he'd take the kuåtta off the hook on the wall, the traditional place many parents kept them. The first time he threw the kuåtta on top of the outhouse roof. But his sister noticed it some time later and they retrieved it. So the second time he threw it into the outhouse hole. No one ever found out.

In the 1950s, a home in Dededo was broken into while the family was out. Stolen was a tin can with cash and jewelry in it. The family had a kommon sanhiyong. Just on a hunch, one of the police officers at the scene flashed his light down the hole and saw a silvery reflection. Yes, they retrieved the box, but it was empty.

Hiding Yourself

The kommon sanhiyong was a good place, at least for a while, to hide when you wanted to smoke or drink the little whiskey left in the bottle uncle forgot to put back. If the outhouse were so situated, you could hide behind it rather than inside it and still not be seen, but this way avoid the odors.

Discarded Babies

Sad to say, even unwanted or unexpected babies ended up in the kommon sanhiyong .

In 1958, an 18-year-old single lady in Aniguåk was feeling unusual in her abdomen and thought she needed the toilet. It was late at night. She went to the outhouse and gave birth to a baby boy. She told police she was not aware she was going to give birth, as she never had been pregnant before and had no idea what to expect. She put the baby on the floor of the outhouse and ditched her blood-stained clothes in the bushes. Hours later, her mother needed the toilet and found the baby, not knowing whose it was. The baby was taken to the hospital. Three days later the mother of the baby was feeling feverish and went to the hospital. There she confessed what happened.

A sadder story happened the following year in Tamuning. There, a 16-year-old high school student got impregnated by a 20-year-old unemployed drifter. She gave birth, unseen by anyone, and dumped the baby down the hole of the  kommon sanhiyong. A few days later she went to the hospital for post-delivery complications and coughed up the truth. The body of the dead baby was retrieved and an autopsy needed to be done to find out if the baby died before or after birth. No subsequent news story can be found to know the answer.

This case happened in 1962. The mystery was never solved.

Suicides

Believe it or not, the kommon sanhiyong was a chosen place for several suicides in Guam history. Again, people don't hang around the outhouse so it's a place to do something you don't want people to notice, at least for a while.

In 1957, an 86-year-old man hanged himself in his outhouse in Sinajaña. He tied a woman's scarf around his neck. His step son-in-law saw him go into the outhouse but started to wonder why he was taking so long so he checked, and found the old man already dead. He had tried twice before to take his own life, but was prevented by others.

In 1959, a 49-year-old man in Dededo tied a bed sheet to his neck and to the beam of the roof of his kommon sanhiyong. His wife could not think of a reason why he would kill himself. What made this story so sad is that he did it on Christmas Day and his lifeless body was discovered by his 8-year-old daughter.

ROMANCE?

You would think that the outhouse would be a good place to meet a sweetheart, especially under cover of night.

There were two problems that made the outhouse not ideal. First, the odors and setting were less than romantic. Second, although the outhouse was usually avoided and thus private, when Mother Nature calls you answer, any time of the day or night.

A lady told me the story many years ago. It happened before the war.

Diesisais åños ha’ yo’ guihe na tiempo ya trabia ti siña yo’ gumai nobio

(I was 16 years old only that time and I couldn't have a boyfriend yet)

lao guaha ha’ iyo-ko uno. Kumontråta ham para in asodda’ gi kemmon sanhiyong,

(but I did have one. We agreed to meet each other at the outhouse,)

para in kuentos ha', gi oran a las dos gi chatanmak sa’ pine’lon-måme na todos

(just to talk, at 2 o'clock in the morning because we thought that all)

esta man mamaigo’ gi taiguihe na ora. Lao ai sa’ ha baba i petta uno na primu-ho

(would be sleeping at that hour. But oh my because one of my cousins who was staying)

ni sumåsaga giya hame. Hu faisen kao siña ha tåmpe, ya ilek-ña nu guåho,

(with us opened the door. I asked him to cover it up, and he said to me,)

“Ti bai kehåye hao lao debe de un promete yo’ na achok ha’ guaha håfa båba bidådå-ho

("I won't tell on you but you have to promise me that even if there is something bad you see me doing)

ni un li’e’ ti para un kehåye yo’ lokkue’,” ya kumonfotme yo’.

(you won't tell on me either," and I agreed.)

You never know when someone will need to relieve himself, so the avoided outhouse could be suddenly invaded.

HERE COMES KIKO' ENCHO'

KIKO' ENCHO'

(Francisco Baza León Guerrero)

In the United States, you scare the kids away by telling them that the Bogey Man is coming. In Spain, it is El Coco. In Russia, the Baba Yaga. Almost every place on earth has its equivalent.

In Guam in the 1930s, it was Kiko' Encho'.

Which would be sad, in a way, for Kiko' Encho' was a real human being and a very upright one at that. He was a good citizen and a faithful Catholic. The saving grace is that Kiko' Encho' took his reputation all in good humor. He understood that it was natural that his job, and the strict faithfulness with which he executed it, should instill such fear in people.

He was Hagåtña's Sanitary Inspector.

Public cleanliness was an important issue in those days because many of Guam's sick had preventable illnesses. But sanitation was the key. With only 20% of Hagåtña's houses connected to the city water and sewage system, the majority of the people collected water from public faucets, from private wells and from the rain. Garbage disposal was critical, since piling up waste even for short periods attracted rats. Lacking modern toilets, most people built outhouses (kommon sanhiyong) where disease-bearing mosquitoes and flies could breed if the outdoor toilets were not cleaned properly.

Dysentery, typhoid and other sanitation-related illnesses were common in the old days, affecting an estimated 10% of Hagåtña residents at any given time, according to Kiko' Encho'

The Naval Government made great progress by providing free medical care, improving the water supply so that less people relied on the wells where the water was murky and often contaminated. Less and less people were using the river for laundry as time went on. Many policies were put in place to improve conditions.

But to make sure people were complying as much as possible, Kiko' Encho' made daily inspections of Hagåtña, looking to see that garbage wasn't laying around; that pools of water weren't breeding grounds for mosquitoes; that latrines and outhouses were clean; that yards were raked and grass cut. If you failed to heed his warnings and corrections, Kiko' Encho' would issue a citation, which you had to pay off at court.

He was so strict that he even cited his own mother-in-law and his boss, a Navy officer, besides fining his friends and relatives. "I felt that I could not perform a good job," he said in an interview, "unless I showed the people that I was impartial." The people who gave him the hardest time were the upper classes, both Chamorro and American. But the courts backed him up. Even the elite Chamorros and American military officers lost to Kiko' Encho' in court. "I was mean," he said, but he had to be.

BARRIO BY BARRIO

THE BARRIOS OF PRE-WAR HAGÅTÑA

With 1,200 homes to inspect, Kiko' Encho' had a lot of ground to cover. Luckily, the capital city was divided into barrios since Spanish times. Kiko' Encho' just assigned certain barrios their specific days of the month to visit. He averaged three days a month for each barrio.

As soon as he left his house in the morning to start his inspection, the kids would all run to tell other kids living in the direction Kiko' Encho' was going, "He's coming! He's coming!" they shouted and all the other kids would run to their homes to warn their mothers, who grabbed brooms and rakes and garbage cans.. They might as well have been screaming that the Bogey Man was coming.

But Kiko' Encho's enforcement of sanitary laws in the capital had its effect. Visitors always remarked how clean and tidy the city was. The health of the people improved so much that cases of sanitation-related illnesses dropped and Kiko' Encho' didn't need to make as many home inspections as time went on. The people got used to keeping their homes and surroundings hygienic.

After the war, Kiko' Encho' didn't go back to his prewar job and instead worked for the military and then his own private business. He died in 1964.

FAMILY BACKGROUND

His full name was Francisco Baza León Guerrero, but therein lay a problem.

There was another Guam gentleman, just a few years younger, with the exact same name, who was also well-known in the island.

He was the famous Mr Organic Act, and for whom FB Leon Guerrero Middle School is named.

But that Francisco was the son of Zoilo Tello León Guerrero, so he was known as Kiko' Zoilo.

Our Sanitary Inspector, on the other hand, was the son of Lorenzo Manalisay León Guerrero, so he was called Kiko' Encho'. Kiko' is the nickname for Francisco, and Encho' is the nickname for Lorenzo.

These two Kikos were related, but not mainly through the León Guerrero side but more so on their mothers' side. Their mothers were sisters!

Zoilo married Justa Martínez Baza and Lorenzo married Joaquina Martínez Baza.

The two Francisco Baza León Guerreros were thus first cousins of their mothers' side.

VERSIÓN ESPAÑOLA

(traducida por Manuel Rodríguez)

AQUÍ VIENE KIKO' ENCHO'

En Estados Unidos, asustan a los niños diciéndoles que el Hombre Bogey se acerca. En España, es El Coco. En Rusia, el Baba Yaga. Casi todos los lugares del mundo tienen un equivalente.

En Guam en la década de 1930, era Kiko' Encho'.

Lo cual es triste, en cierto modo, porque Kiko' Encho' era un ser humano real y muy correcto. Era un buen ciudadano y un fiel católico. La gracia salvadora es que Kiko' Encho' aceptó su reputación, con buen humor. Comprendió que era natural que su trabajo, y la estricta fidelidad con la que lo ejecutaba, infundieran tanto temor en las personas.

Era el inspector sanitario de Hagåtña.

La limpieza pública era un tema importante en aquel tiempo porque muchos de los enfermos de Guam sufrían enfermedades prevenibles. Y el saneamiento era la clave. Con solo el 20% de las casas de Hagåtña conectadas al sistema de agua y alcantarillado de la ciudad, la mayoría de las personas recogían agua de los grifos públicos, de pozos privados y de la misma lluvia. Lo que ocurría con la basura era preocupante, ya que la acumulación de desechos, incluso por períodos cortos, atraía a las ratas. Al carecer de baños modernos, la mayoría de las personas construían unos refugios (kommon sanhiyong) donde los mosquitos y las moscas portadoras de enfermedades podían reproducirse si esos baños al aire libre no se limpiaban adecuadamente.

La disentería, la fiebre tifoidea y otras enfermedades relacionadas con el saneamiento eran comunes en aquellos tiempos, y afectaban a aproximadamente el 10% de los residentes de Hagåtña, según Kiko' Encho'

Hubo un progreso notable cuando el Gobierno Naval proporcionó atención médica gratuita, mejorando el suministro de agua para que menos personas dependieran de los pozos donde el agua era turbia y a menudo contaminada. Cada vez menos personas usaban el río para lavar la ropa a medida que pasaba el tiempo. Se implementaron muchas políticas para mejorar las condiciones de vida.

Pero para asegurarse de que la gente cumpliera en la medida de lo posible, Kiko' Encho' realizaba inspecciones diarias en Hagåtña, asegurándose de que la basura no estuviera por ahí desperdigada; que las piscinas de agua no fueran criaderos de mosquitos; que las letrinas y las dependencias estuvieran limpias; que los terrenos fueran rastrillados y cortada la hierba. Si alguien no hacía caso de sus advertencias y correcciones, Kiko' Encho'  emitiría una citación, que tendría que pagar en la corte.

Era tan estricto que incluso llegó a citar a su propia suegra y a su jefe, un oficial de la Marina, además de multar a sus amigos y familiares. "Sentía que no podía realizar un buen trabajo", dijo en una entrevista, "a menos que le mostrara a la gente que era imparcial". Las personas que le dieron más dificultades fueron las clases altas, tanto chamorros como estadounidenses. Pero los tribunales lo respaldaron. Incluso la élite chamorra y los oficiales militares estadounidenses perdieron ante Kiko' Encho'  en la corte. "Era malo", dijo, pero tenía que serlo.

LOS BARRIOS DE HAGATÑA ANTES DE LA GUERRA

Con 1.200 hogares para inspeccionar, Kiko' Encho'  tenía mucho terreno por recorrer. Afortunadamente, la ciudad se dividía en barrios ya desde la época española. Kiko' Encho'  terminó por asignar a ciertos barrios sus días específicos del mes para visitar. Promedió tres días al mes para cada barrio.

Tan pronto como salía de su casa por la mañana para comenzar su inspección, todos los niños corrían a decirle a otros niños que vivían en la dirección en que Kiko' Encho'  iba: "¡Ya viene! ¡Ya viene!" gritaban y todos los otros niños corrían a sus casas para advertir a sus madres, quienes agarraban escobas, rastrillos y botes de basura. También podían gritar que venía el Hombre Bogey.

Pero la aplicación de las leyes sanitarias de Kiko' Encho'  en la capital tuvo su efecto. Los visitantes siempre comentaban cuán limpia y ordenada estaba la ciudad. La salud de las personas mejoró tanto que los casos de enfermedades relacionadas con el saneamiento disminuyeron y Kiko' Encho'  con el tiempo no necesitó hacer tantas inspecciones de viviendas. La gente se acostumbró a mantener sus hogares y alrededores limpios.

Después de la guerra, Kiko' Encho'  no volvió a su empleo anterior y en su lugar trabajó para el ejército y luego montó su propio negocio privado. Falleció en 1964.

TRASFONDO FAMILIAR

Su nombre completo era Francisco Baza León Guerrero, pero había un problema.

Había otro caballero de Guam, solo unos años más joven, con el mismo nombre, que también era conocido en la isla.

Era el famoso “Mr. Organic Act,” y por el cual se conoce hoy a la Escuela Intermedia Francisco Baza León Guerrero.

Pero ese Francisco era hijo de Zoilo Tello León Guerrero, por lo que era conocido como Kiko' Zoilo.

Nuestro inspector sanitario, por otro lado, era hijo de Lorenzo Manalisay León Guerrero, por lo que se llamaba Kiko' Encho' . Kiko' es el apodo de Francisco, y Encho' es el apodo de Lorenzo.

Estos dos Kikos estaban relacionados, pero no precisamente por parte de los León Guerrero, sino más bien del lado de sus madres. ¡Sus madres eran hermanas!

Zoilo se casó con Justa Martínez Baza y Lorenzo se casó con Joaquina Martínez Baza.

Los dos Franciscos Baza León Guerrero eran primos hermanos por parte de sus madres.

ANUFAT

"Acha chatpago hamyo yan si Anufat."

"You're as ugly as Anufat."

That's the way you might have been insulted in the old days.

Not all taotaomo'na were created the same.

Meet Anufat, the ugliest of them all.

He was dark and hideous. His teeth were six inches long and his fingernails were long as well.

Both sides of his head had holes, stuffed with grass, leaves and ferns.

So, if someone wanted to tease you, he or she might tell you that you were as ugly as Anufat.

WHISTLE / CHEFLA

In olden times, people considered any latte site, no matter how small the latte or how damaged the pillars and capstones might be, to be dangerous places.

Even if the area just had a lot of exposed coral rocks, be careful.

The spirits of the ancient dead, or taotaomo'na, usually dwelt among the latte stones, it was believed, and they often indicated burial grounds of the people who lived before colonization.

People had the custom of whistling when they approached such places. They did this in order to alert Anufat that they were coming close. Otherwise, if your unannounced appearance startled Anufat, he could get angry and punish you by making you sick.

Some versions of the story say we ought to whistle when walking around cemeteries, but I don't think modern, Christian cemeteries are meant. Anufat would not be interested in hanging around the graves of José Cruz or María Castro. Too Christian for him.

He'd be more interested in hanging around the skeletal remains of the people of his time, before the Europeans came.

Other versions of the story say he had a bird's nest growing out of the hole in his head. That was someone's mistaken reading of an old book which said Anufat's hole had bird's nest FERN stuffed in his hole. It was fern, not a nest.

VERSIÓN EN ESPAÑOL

(traducida por Manuel Rodríguez)

ANUFAT

“Acha chatpago hamyo yan si Anufat”.

“Eres tan feo como Anufat”

Ésa es la manera en que cualquier persona podía ser insultada en los tiempos de antes.

No todos los “taotaomo’na” fueron creados de la misma forma.

Conozcamos a Anufat, el más feo de todos.

Era oscuro y feo. Sus dientes tenían seis pulgadas de largo y sus uñas también eran largas.

En ambos lados de su cabeza había agujeros, rellenos de hierba, hojas y helechos.

Entonces, si alguien quería molestarte, podía decirte que eras tan feo como Anufat.

En la antigüedad, las personas consideraban lugar peligroso cualquier sitio donde hubiese piedras “latte”, no importaba cuán pequeña fuese la piedra “latte” o cuán dañados pudiesen estar los pilares y las piedras superiores.

Incluso si en esa zona había muchas rocas de coral expuestas, se debía tener cuidado.

Se creía que los espíritus de los antiguos muertos, o “taotaomo’na”, normalmente habitaban entre las piedras “latte”, y a menudo señalaban cementerios de gente que vivió antes de la colonización.

Se tenía la costumbre de silbar cuando uno se aproximaba a esos lugares. Se hacía esto para alertar a Anufat de que alguien se acercaba. De lo contrario, si su aparición no anunciada sorprendía a Anufat, él podía enfadarse y castigar a esa persona enfermándola.

Algunas versiones de la historia dicen que debemos silbar al caminar por los cementerios, pero no creo que los cementerios cristianos modernos estuviesen destinados a los “taotaomo’na”. Anufat no estaría interesado en pasar el rato en las tumbas de José Cruz o María Castro. Demasiado cristiano para él.

Le interesaría más quedarse con los restos esqueléticos de la gente de su tiempo, antes de que llegaran los europeos.

Otras versiones de la historia relatan que Anufat tenía un nido de pájaro saliendo de un agujero de su cabeza. Ésa es en realidad una lectura errónea de alguien, de un viejo libro, que decía que en el agujero de Anufat había un nido de pájaro relleno de helecho. Pero realmente era un helecho, no un nido.

WHEN THEY CLOSED LUTA'S SCHOOL

SONGSONG, LUTA IN GERMAN TIMES

Luta had a population of around 450 people in German times, from 1899 till 1914. Only one school was needed for such a small population, as the majority of the children under 18 didn't go to school even if there were one. In 1907, it was reported that there were 30 students in Luta's school, definitely a far cry from the number of school-age children.

But those were different times. As in the rest of the Marianas, people wondered just how much education a child of the islands needed when most were destined to till the soil and fish within the reef as their fathers and grandfathers were doing. It sometimes happened that girls especially were not sent in large numbers to school and as soon as the girls reached puberty, they were yanked out of school by their parents to keep them "safe."

So, 30 students in 1907 can be understood given the mentality of the time. These were probably younger children, who were taught to spell, count, read, write or at least write their names. Under the Spanish government, the Catholic religion would also have been taught, but not under German rule. It's even doubtful that the children learned German; their teacher was Chamorro who was paid 50 Marks a month and lived rent-free in a modest government residence.

There is talk of a "ma'estron Taitano" in some of the documents of the time. This is probably José Mangloña Taitano, whose father was from Guam and whose mother was from Luta. He was a teacher and also a lay leader of the Luta parish.

For whatever reason, the German colonial government closed the government school in Luta in May of 1910.

The German priest of Luta, Father Corbinian Madré, Capuchin, saw this is an opportunity to fill in the gap. He announced to the parents of Luta that he was willing to run his own school, without pay, as long as the parents agreed to build a school house. This they did, gathering whatever wood and supplies they could.

The government did not lift a finger. All the government did was lend some school desks now and then.

The work didn't take long and Father Corbinian began teaching on July 26. He divided the students into a higher level for older children (up to fourteen) and a lower level for children as young as seven. In total, he was teaching 95 students, triple the number of students when the government ran a school in 1907.

FATHER CORBINIAN

The German priest of Luta 1908 to 1919

"KASTIGA GUE' MÅS!"

Father Corbinian wrote out report cards, which the parents had to return. One parent wrote, "Kastiga gue' mås!" "Punish him more!" Those were the days when parents wanted other adults to punish their children, whether in school, at church or on the street.

Father focused on teaching German, math, reading and writing. He found that teaching German was easiest for the children. Arithmetic was not so easy for the students especially the girls, according to him. Reading and writing were also challenging. He found that the attention span of the students was short, and it tired him out to keep their attention by entertaining them in some way.

But the priest felt his work was not all in vain. He mentioned that some students who reached 14 years and were not supposed to stay in school came by anyway, wanting to learn some more.

THE SCHOOL CLOSES

The Japanese took over Luta, and the rest of the German Marianas, in October of 1914 when World War I broke out. Japan was on the side of the allies that time, against Germany and her allies.

Although the Japanese allowed Father Corbinian to remain on Luta till 1919, I can't imagine they allowed him to continue his school, teaching German, assuming the school was still open in 1914. But, whatever year it closed, it was definitely closed by the time the missionary left Luta for good.

VERSIÓN EN ESPAÑOL

(traducida por Manuel Rodríguez)

CUANDO CERRARON LA ESCUELA DE ROTA

La isla de Rota (Luta, en chamorro) tenía una población de alrededor de 450 personas durante la época alemana, desde 1899 hasta 1914. Solo se necesitaba una escuela para una población tan pequeña, ya que la mayoría de los niños, menores de 18 años, no iban a la escuela. En 1907, se informó que había 30 estudiantes en la escuela de Rota, definitivamente cifras muy alejadas de la cantidad de niños en edad escolar.

Pero ésos eran tiempos diferentes. Como en el resto de las Marianas, la gente se preguntaba cuánta escolarización necesitaba un niño de las islas cuando la mayoría de la población se dedicaba a cultivar la tierra y pescar dentro del arrecife como lo hacían sus padres y abuelos. A veces sucedía que las niñas, especialmente, no eran enviadas en gran número a la escuela y, tan pronto como llegaban a la pubertad, sus padres las sacaban de allí para mantenerlas "seguras".

Entonces, 30 estudiantes en 1907 se puede entender como algo normal dada la mentalidad de la época. Probablemente eran niños pequeños, a quienes se les enseñaba a deletrear, contar, leer, escribir o al menos escribir sus nombres. Bajo el gobierno español, la religión católica también se había enseñado, pero no bajo el dominio alemán. Incluso es dudoso que los niños aprendieran alemán; su maestro era chamorro, a quien le entregaban 50 marcos al mes y vivía sin pagar alquiler en una modesta residencia del gobierno.

Se habla de un tal "ma'estron Taitano" en algunos de los documentos de la época. Probablemente sea José Mangloña Taitano, cuyo padre era de Guam y cuya madre era de Rota. Era maestro y también líder laico de la parroquia de la isla.

Por alguna razón, el gobierno colonial alemán cerró la escuela gubernamental en Rota en mayo de 1910.

El sacerdote alemán de Rota, el padre Corbinian Madré, capuchino, vio que ésta era una oportunidad para llenar aquel vacío. Anunció a los padres de los niños de Rota que estaba dispuesto a administrar su propia escuela, sin cobrar, siempre y cuando los padres acordaran construir un edificio escolar. Esto lo hicieron, juntando cualquier madera y suministros que pudieron.

El gobierno no movió un dedo. Todo lo que hizo el gobierno fue prestar algunos pupitres de vez en cuando.

El trabajo no tardó mucho y el Padre Corbinian comenzó a enseñar el 26 de julio. Dividió a los estudiantes en un nivel superior para niños mayores (hasta catorce) y un nivel inferior para niños de tan solo siete años. En total, estaba enseñando a 95 alumnos, triplicando el número de estudiantes cuando el gobierno dirigía la escuela en 1907.

El Padre Corbinian escribía boletines de calificaciones, que los padres tenían que devolver. Un padre escribió: "Kastiga gue 'mås!" "¡Castígalo más!" Ésos eran los días en que los padres querían que otros adultos castigaran a sus hijos, ya fuese en la escuela, en la iglesia o en la calle.

Padre Corbinian se centró en la enseñanza del alemán, las matemáticas, la lectura y la escritura. Descubrió que enseñar el alemán era lo más fácil para los niños. La aritmética no era tan fácil para los estudiantes, especialmente para las niñas, según él. Leer y escribir también era un desafío. Descubrió que la capacidad de atención de los estudiantes no era grande, y se cansaba de mantener su atención entreteniéndolos de alguna manera.

Pero el sacerdote sintió que su trabajo no era en vano. Mencionó que algunos estudiantes que alcanzaron los 14 años y no debían quedarse en la escuela, venían de todos modos, queriendo aprender un poco más.

Los japoneses se hicieron cargo de la isla de Rota y el resto de las Marianas alemanas, en octubre de 1914, cuando estalló la Primera Guerra Mundial. Japón estaba del lado de los aliados esa vez y contra Alemania.

Aunque los japoneses permitieron que el Padre Corbinian permaneciera en Rota hasta 1919, no puedo imaginar que le permitieran continuar con su escuela, enseñando el alemán, suponiendo que la escuela aún estuviera abierta en 1914. Pero, en cualquier año que hubiese cerrado la escuela, sin lugar a duda no existía cuando el misionero abandonó definitivamente la isla de Rota.

MUCHÅCHA

People all over the world have employed domestic servants for as long as history records.

Under Spanish colonization, it is certain that both the civil and the church authorities in the Marianas employed both male and female domestic servants.

In fact, our Chamorro word for "altar boy," tanores, comes from the Philippines, where the tanores were servants to the priests and to government officials.

But by the 1800s, we have historical evidence that families with money employed muchåcha (females) and muchåcho (males) for all kinds of service. These two words are borrowed from Spanish and mean "girl" and "boy." The words were used for domestic servants even if they were adults, so some people found the terms demeaning.

A common retort in the old days when someone was too bossy was to shoot back at them,

"Kao muchachå-mo yo'?"

("Am I your maid?")

The muchåcha usually followed the woman of the house, and did the washing, ironing, sewing, house cleaning, baby sitting. Often a paid kosinera (cook) prepared the meals, but a muchåcha might also do some of that, too. The job description was agreed upon by åmo/åma (master or mistress) and muchåcho/muchåcha before hand.

A muchåcho usually followed the man of the house, and often to his ranch, and did more manual work, such as on the farm. Around the home, he would do repairs or the heavy lifting in domestic chores. Often the muchåcho's job that day was simply to accompany his åmo around, holding his hat, opening doors and so on.

Salaries were agreed by both parties and could be reduced if the servant lived in the master's home, eating from the master's table.

Becoming a Låhe or Håga

On occasion, a muchåcha or muchåcho would somehow bond more closely with husband, wife, both or the family in general. If some kind of personal bond developed and the relationship went on for some time, the servant might be called lahi-ho or hagå-ho ("my son" or "my daughter") by the man or woman and then they would know they had risen higher than domestic servant. Sometimes these relationships endured till death.

No Shortage of Hands

There was never a shortage of personnel. There were always young people from poor or large families (of a dozen children, for example) always looking for ways to earn money with no skills to offer other than domestic or farm labor.

Servants were sometimes recruited by Hagåtña families from the southern villages.

Pineksai versus Muchåcha

It sometimes happened that a child was reared by another family. Sometimes there was some blood ties, sometimes no blood ties at all.

The child was the pineksai, raised (poksai) by this new family.

Often, as the child grew older, he or she was given domestic responsibilities. Consolación Taitano Santos, for example, was brought up in the Wilson-Martínez home since she was 5 years old. By the time she was 16, she was the family cook. There were many daughters in that family, and some never married. Why didn't they cook? Well they were a family of financial means, and now it was time for Consolación to do something for the family that raised her. It could have also been a way that Consolación could remain a part of the family, even though she was of marrying age already.

There was a fine line between a pineksai becoming a muchåcha (or kosinera). Perhaps in this case they never considered Consolación a muchåcha. She was a part of the family, to some degree, since age 5.

The Greek Alexander Veneziano and his Chamorro wife, Ana Guerrero, in 1908

Just one of many examples was Alexander, or Alejandro, Veneziano. A Greek who came to Guam as a Navy musician, he settled on island, marrying a Chamorro lady and opening some businesses.

He had the money to hire several muchåcha and muchåcho.

To assist his wife, there was Carmen "Deche," whose formal name was Carmen Ulloa Acosta; and Rosa Reyes Borja from Malesso'. They were 19 and 17 years old respectively in 1911.

His own muchåcho was José Salas Crisóstomo, 27 years old in 1907.

These were only some of the domestic help Veneziano hired over the years.

VERSIÓN EN ESPAÑOL

(traducida por Manuel Rodríguez)

                            

MUCHACHA

La gente de todo el mundo ha empleado servidumbre doméstica durante mucho tiempo, desde que hay registros históricos.

Bajo la colonización española en las Islas Marianas, es cierto que tanto las autoridades civiles como las eclesiásticas emplearon sirvientes domésticos.

De hecho, nuestra palabra chamorra para "monaguillo", tanores, proviene de Filipinas, donde los tanores eran sirvientes de los sacerdotes y de los funcionarios del gobierno.

Pero para el siglo XIX, tenemos evidencia histórica de que las familias con dinero empleaban muchåcha (mujeres) y muchåcho (hombres) para todo tipo de servicios. Estas dos palabras están tomadas del español y significan "niña" y "niño". Estos términos se usaban para los empleados domésticos, incluso si eran adultos, por lo que algunas personas encontraban a veces los términos degradantes.

Una réplica común en los viejos tiempos cuando alguien era demasiado mandón consistía en dispararles un…

"¿Kao muchachå-mo yo '?"

("¿Soy yo tu sirvienta?")

La muchåcha generalmente acompañaba a la mujer de la casa y lavaba, planchaba, cosía, limpiaba el hogar y cuidaba a los niños. A menudo, una cocinera pagada (kosinera) preparaba las comidas, pero una muchåcha también podía hacer algo de eso. La descripción del trabajo era acordada de antemano por el åmo o åma y el muchåcho o muchåcha.

Un muchåcho generalmente acompañaba al hombre de la casa, con frecuencia en su rancho, y hacía más el trabajo físico de la granja. Alrededor de la casa, él hacía también reparaciones o trabajo pesado en las tareas domésticas. A menudo, el trabajo del muchåcho era simplemente acompañar a su åmo, sosteniendo su sombrero, abriendo puertas, etc. Los salarios eran acordados por ambas partes y podían reducirse, si el sirviente vivía en la casa del amo, a comer de la mesa de éste.

En ocasiones, una muchåcha o muchåcho de alguna manera se unía más estrechamente al esposo, la esposa, a ambos o a la familia en general. Si se desarrollaba algún tipo de vínculo personal y la relación continuaba por algún tiempo, el hombre o la mujer podían llamar al sirviente lahi-ho o hagå-ho ("mi hijo" o "mi hija") y entonces significaba que había ascendido en comparación con los sirvientes domésticos. Algunas veces estas relaciones perduraron hasta la muerte.

Nunca hubo escasez de personal. Siempre hubo jóvenes de familias pobres o numerosas (de una docena de niños, por ejemplo) que buscaban formas de ganar dinero, eran jóvenes sin habilidades que podían ofrecer únicamente trabajo doméstico o agrícola. A veces, los sirvientes eran reclutados por familias de Hagåtña en las aldeas del sur.

A veces sucedía que un niño o niña era criado por otra familia. A veces había algunos lazos de sangre, a veces no.

El niño o niña era el “pineksai”, criado (poksai) por esta nueva familia.

A menudo, a medida que el niño o niña crecía, se le asignaban responsabilidades domésticas. Consolación Taitano Santos, por ejemplo, se crió en la casa de Wilson-Martínez desde que tenía 5 años. Cuando tenía 16 años, fue la cocinera de la familia. Había muchas hijas en esa familia, y algunas nunca se casaron. ¿Por qué no cocinaban? Bueno, eran una familia de medios económicos, y ahora era hora de que Consolación hiciera algo por la familia que la había criado. También podía haber sido una forma para que Consolación pudiese seguir formando parte de la familia, a pesar de que ya estaba en edad de casarse.

Había una fina línea entre un “pineksai” que se convertía en muchåcha (o kosinera). Quizás en este caso nunca consideraron a Consolación como una muchåcha o sirvienta. Ella era parte de la familia, hasta cierto punto, desde los 5 años.

Uno de los muchos ejemplos fue Alexander o Alejandro Veneziano. Un griego que llegó a Guam como músico de la Marina, se instaló en la isla, se casó con una dama chamorra y abrió algunos negocios.Tenía el dinero para contratar varios muchåcha y muchåcho.

Para ayudar a su esposa, estaba Carmen "Deche", cuyo nombre formal era Carmen Ulloa Acosta; y Rosa Reyes Borja de Malesso '. Tenían 19 y 17 años respectivamente en 1911. Su propio muchåcho fue José Salas Crisóstomo, de 27 años en 1907. Éstos fueron solo algunos de los servicios domésticos que Veneziano contrató a lo largo de los años.

BALUTAN MAGÅGON Å'PAKA'

Here's a taotaomo'na story you almost never hear about nowadays.  But hunters (kasadules) in the old days told this story, and I came across it in an article written in 1960 based on stories being told by older people at that time.

People said that sometimes when they hunted deep in the jungle, they would see a bundle of white clothing floating through the air. That was the balutan magågon å'paka'. Magågo is cloth or fabric. Å'paka' means "white." Balutan means "wrapped or bundled up."

Not only would it float in the air, as it traveled it made such a crashing sound as if a bulldozer were trampling down the trees and crushing the rocks in the jungle. The noise was deafening.

But, if you followed the path of the balutan magågon å'paka', you would find that the jungle was perfectly normal. Every tree in place. There was one thing out of the ordinary, though. The animals had heard the noise of the floating balutan magågon å'paka' and so they hid in fear. All the animals you hoped to catch in the jungle - the wild pigs, the deer, even the birds - all took shelter in hidden caves and behind thick vegetation, so there would be no successful catch for the hunter. If you saw the balutan magågon å'paka', you might as well go home. There would be no catch for the time being.

The hunters believed this was the taotaomo'na's way of punishing the hunters for venturing into their territory, or for doing so without asking permission.

For those who may not know, the taotaomo'na are the spirits of the ancient people.

VERSIÓN EN ESPAÑOL

(Traducida por Manuel Rodríguez)

BALUTAN MAGAGON A’PAKA’

Hay una historia de taotaomo'na que casi nunca se escucha hoy en día. Pero los cazadores (kasadules) en épocas pasadas contaban esta historia, y yo la encontré en un artículo escrito en 1960 basado en cuentos narrados por personas mayores en ese momento.

Esa gente decía que a veces, cuando cazaban en lo profundo de la jungla, veían un bulto de tela

blanca flotando en el aire. Eso era el balutan magågon å'paka'. Magågo es “tela”. Å'paka' significa "blanco". Balutan significa "envuelto".

No solo flotaba en el aire, mientras se desplazaba emitía un sonido tan estrepitoso como si una excavadora estuviera pisoteando los árboles y aplastando las rocas en la selva. El ruido era ensordecedor.

Pero, si seguías el camino del balutan magågon å'paka', descubrirías que la jungla estaba perfectamente, en su estado normal. Cada árbol en su lugar. Sin embargo, había una cosa fuera de lo común. Los animales habían escuchado el ruido del balutan magågon å'paka' flotante y se habían escondido con miedo. Todos los animales que se esperaba cazar en la jungla (los cerdos salvajes, los ciervos, incluso los pájaros) se habían refugiado en cuevas ocultas y detrás de la espesa vegetación, por lo cual no habría una captura exitosa para el cazador. Si se veía el balutan magågon å'paka', bien se podría ir uno a casa. No habría captura ese día.

Los cazadores creían que ésta era la forma que los taotaomo'na tenían de castigarlos por aventurarse en su territorio, o por adentrarse sin pedir permiso.

Para aquellos que no saben, los taotaomo'na son los espíritus de los pueblos antiguos.

LITTLE ORPHAN ANA

In 1912 on Guam, there was no Child Protective Services or adoption agencies.

Society left it to relatives and good-natured people to take the initiative to take care of orphans. Many times this was done without even bothering to formalize things with the government.A family would take in an orphan, an illegitimate child or a child from a poor family and that was that. No legal papers whatsoever.

In this interesting case, the priest of Hagåtña stepped in. I am leaving out the family name so as not to embarrass the clan.

Ana, just eleven years old, was the daughter of a deceased woman, Leonora. It seems the biological father was not in the picture at all. When Leonora died, the little girl Ana went to live with her cousin Remedios, the daughter of Leonora's sister. There was just one problem. Remedios was a "public woman,"

"Public woman" was a nice way of saying "prostitute." The government at the time had an actual list of women known as "public." Remedios' name was on it.

Påle' Luís de León, the Spanish priest of Hagåtña at the time, was horrified that a little girl would be exposed to that sort of life and, God forbid, follow in her caregiver's footsteps. To make matters worse, maybe take up that sort of life at a young age.

So Påle' Luís wrote a request to the Governor to have him compel Remedios, the public woman, to release Ana to his care.

Would the little girl Ana actually live under Påle' Luís' roof? Hardly! It would have been against all rules, decorum and common sense. Young, single men lived in the priest's house doing the cooking, cleaning and other work. There were four or five priests and brothers living in the konbento or rectory at the time. Putting Ana there would expose her to the same sort of danger to be found elsewhere. But Påle' Luís would have found Ana a suitable home to live in, and it appears this is just what the priest did, because the next thing we know, a widow very close to the church files a petition in court asking to adopt Ana. I am confident that Påle' Luís suggested that this widow do so.

The blood relatives of Ana, not including Remedios, said as much. They appeared in court to oppose the appointment of this widow as guardian over Ana, and stated that this was Påle' Luís' idea. These relatives said that another aunt had the right to become Ana's guardian. But the court, stating this that alleged aunt also had a bad reputation, decided to award the guardianship to the socially prestigious widow.

It didn't last forever. Just five years later, Ana, aged 16 going into 17, ran away from her adoptive home. She told the court that she was not being treated well there, and begged to be released to a female relative. Her request was granted and Ana was released from her first guardian to come under an aunt's supervision. A year later Ana, aged 18 and now an adult, was a servant in another family's home.

PÅLE' LUÍS DE LEÓN

VERSIÓN EN ESPAÑOL

(Traducida por Manuel Rodríguez)

LA PEQUEÑA HUÉRFANA ANA

En 1912 en Guam, no había servicios de protección infantil ni agencias de adopción.

La sociedad dejaba que familiares y personas de buen carácter tomaran la iniciativa de cuidar a los huérfanos. Muchas veces esto se hizo sin siquiera molestarse en formalizar las cosas con el gobierno. Una familia acogería a un huérfano, un niño ilegítimo o un niño de una familia pobre y eso era todo. No había documentos legales de ningún tipo.

En este interesante caso, el sacerdote de Hagåtña intervino. Estoy dejando de lado el apellido para no avergonzar al clan.

Ana, de solo once años, era hija de una mujer fallecida, Leonora. Parece que el padre biológico no estaba en la imagen en absoluto. Cuando Leonora murió, la pequeña Ana se fue a vivir con su prima Remedios, la hija de la hermana de Leonora. Hubo solo un problema. Remedios era una "mujer pública.”

"Mujer pública" era una buena manera de decir "prostituta". El gobierno en ese momento tenía una lista real de mujeres conocidas como "públicas". El nombre de Remedios estaba en él.

Påle 'Luís de León, el sacerdote español de Hagåtña en ese momento, estaba horrorizado de que una niña pequeña estuviera expuesta a ese tipo de vida y, Dios no lo quiera, seguir los pasos de su cuidadora. Para empeorar las cosas, tal vez tomar ese tipo de vida a una edad temprana.

Entonces Påle 'Luís escribió una solicitud al gobernador para que obligara a Remedios, la mujer pública, a liberar a Ana a su cuidado.

¿Viviría la pequeña Ana en realidad bajo el techo de Påle 'Luís'? ¡Apenas! Hubiera estado en contra de todas las reglas, el decoro y el sentido común. Hombres jóvenes solteros vivían en la casa del sacerdote cocinando, limpiando y haciendo otros trabajos. Había cuatro o cinco sacerdotes y hermanos que vivían en el “konbento” o rectoría en ese momento. Poner a Ana allí la expondría al mismo tipo de peligro que se encuentra en otro lugar. Pero Påle 'Luís habría encontrado a Ana un hogar adecuado para vivir, y parece que esto es exactamente lo que hizo el sacerdote, porque lo siguiente que sabemos es que una viuda muy cercana a la iglesia presenta una petición en la corte pidiendo adoptar a Ana. Estoy seguro de que Påle 'Luís sugirió que esta viuda lo hiciera.

Los parientes consanguíneos de Ana, sin incluir a Remedios, dijeron mucho. Se presentaron en la corte para oponerse al nombramiento de esta viuda como guardiana de Ana, y declararon que esto era idea de Påle 'Luís'. Estos parientes dijeron que otra tía tenía derecho a convertirse en la guardiana de Ana. Pero el tribunal, declarando que esa supuesta tía también tenía mala reputación, decidió otorgar la tutela a la viuda socialmente prestigiosa.

No duró para siempre. Apenas cinco años después, Ana, de 16 años a 17, se escapó de su hogar adoptivo. Ella le dijo a la corte que no la estaban tratando bien allí y rogó que la dejaran en libertad con una pariente. Su solicitud fue concedida y Ana fue liberada de su primera tutora para estar bajo la supervisión de una tía. Un año después, Ana, de 18 años y ahora adulta, era una sirvienta en la casa de otra familia.