FUNERAL RECEIPT FROM 1930

 

FUNERAL RECEIPT 1930

Once in a blue moon someone needed proof from the village priest that they paid the Church for funeral services, so that they could prove to a judge either that the person is the chief next-of-kin (and can thus be awarded certain rights over the estate) or to be reimbursed.

Juan Pablo was the half-brother of the deceased, Francisco Pablo Torres, and both were the sons of Angela Pablo, who had been married to a Torres and then later to a Castro. The deceased had no children so his half-brother paid for the funeral expenses.

What is of interest here is also the language used. This receipt is written in Chamorro by a Spanish priest, Father Bernabé de Cáseda, a Capuchin. He spent many years as priest in Inalåhan, where a few boys were named Bernabé in his honor. But this receipt was written when Father Bernabé was stationed in Hagåtña.

Here's what he wrote  (I will use my own spelling and make some corrections of his typos) :

Guåho si Fr. Bernabé de Cáseda hu na' magåhet na si Juan Pablo ha apasiye pot i funeråt Francisco Pablo Torres ni måtai a 27 de Disiembre de 1929, ini mo'na na salåppe' :

Pot i entiero primera klåse $21.00

Pot dos responso gi gima' $12.00

Pot i Misa Kantåda $5.00

Totåt $38.00

Which means :

I, Fray (Friar) Bernabé de Cáseda certify that Juan Pablo paid for the funeral of Francisco Pablo Torres who died on December 27, 1929, the following money :

For a funeral first class $21.00

For two prayers for the dead at the home $12.00

For a sung Mass $5.00

Total $38.00

NOTES

Fray. This priest gives himself the abbreviation Fr. which does not stand for "Father" but rather "Friar." Father Bernabé was a Capuchin Franciscan, who are friars, in Spanish "Fray."

Hu na' magåhet. Literally means "I make true," meaning that he certifies, or he assures the truthfulness of. He could've just as easily said "Hu settifika" for "I certify" but he uses indigenous terms instead.

Apasiye. It is misspelled "apasise" in the document. It means "to pay for."

Måtai a. This is a mix of Chamorro (måtai, died) and Spanish (a, at). Meaning on December 27. Strictly Chamorro would have been "måtai gi."

First Class Funeral. In those days, funerals came in first class or not first class, which meant less services or less ceremonial additions.

Responso. This was a prayer said for the dead, usually said in the home but sometimes at church or at the cemetery.

Sung Mass. In those days, Mass could be recited, without singing, or Mass could be sung, meaning the priest chanted a lot of the Mass. A larger fee was paid for the priest's extra effort at a Sung Mass.

In today's value, $38 back then is now worth $738.00.

FATHER BERNABÉ DE CÁSEDA

"TAIGUENNAO MOHON" OR "AMEN?"

 

How should we end our prayers in Chamorro?

You hear "Amen" a lot of the times but sometimes you hear "Taiguennao mohon."

A lot of people aren't even sure what "taiguennao mohon" means.

Guess what? It means "amen!"

Well, what does "amen" mean?

"Amen" was the Hebrew word used to end prayers. It means "so be it, may it be so, truly" and things like that.

When a congregation responds with an "amen" to what a priest or prayer leader says, it's the congregation's way of agreeing with the prayer just said and making that prayer said by someone else their own as well.

TAIGUENNAO means "that way."

MOHON is a word that can express desire, or a possibility that hasn't happened yet.

TAIGUENNAO MOHON means "may it be that way." Which is what "amen" means.

So both "amen" and "taiguennao mohon" mean the same, exact thing. One is based on Hebrew, and the other is Chamorro.

OTHER LANGUAGES, TOO....

"Amen" can also be said in the native language in many countries around the world.

Some Spanish speakers say "así sea" instead of "amen," because "así sea" in Spanish means "that way (así) may it be (sea)."

In Italian it's così sia. In French it's ainsi soit-il. They both mean "may it be that way" which is what "amen" means.

Many languages end their prayers with "amen" and sometimes they end it with "may it be so" in their own language.

Most times, people all over the world end their prayers with "amen" and for this main reason. It's shorter and faster to say than "may it be so."

FLEXIBILITY IN CHAMORRO

In Chamorro, people can end their prayers saying either "amen" or "taiguennao mohon."

Even in Påle' Román's prayer books, he sometimes ends the prayer with "amen" and sometimes he ends the prayer with "taiguennao mohon."

For me, "amen" goes better with something like making the sign of the cross. "Gi na'an i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto. Amen." "Amen" is a quick ending to a short prayer. For a longer prayer, I might use "taiguennao mohon."

One good thing about using "taiguennao mohon" is that it makes clear what "amen" means. That is, of course, assuming you know the Chamorro language, which a lot of Chamorros don't nowadays.

NA' TAOTAO TUMANO'

 

FIESTA SCHEDULE FROM 1977

NA' TAOTAO TUMANO' is a Chamorro term used on Guam for the communal meal served to the faithful who attend a parish fiesta or feast.

To understand the concept, one must think of the olden days when people traveled on foot or by bull cart from one village to another, many times taking many hours to reach the destination.

The feast of Saint Joseph in Inalåhan is a good example. Being such a popular saint, and patron of the men, many people from Hagåtña went down to Inalåhan for the feast (called the Patrosinio) in March. Due to the distance and the long travel time, going to the Patrosinio was a whole 2-day commitment. People had to spend the night in Inalåhan, sleeping at relatives or friends' homes.

People did the same when it came to all the southern fiestas. Even Hågat and Sumay, which were closer to Hagåtña, took some time to get to.

So the people of the village receiving these guests from other places felt obliged to feed the people when the religious services were completed. They wanted to feed the pilgrims.

A pilgrim is someone who makes a journey for a religious purpose.

The Chamorro word for "pilgrim" is taotao tumano'. The Chamorro word na' means "food."

Na' taotao tumano' means "food for the pilgrim."

TUMANO' comes from the Chamorro word for "land" or TÅNO'. People traveled by land to get from village to village, so to tumano' means to travel by land (tåno').

Nowadays, it takes less than an hour, and many times less than twenty minutes, to go from home to the church holding the fiesta, but many people still call it the na' taotao tumano'. I hope we never lose the term. It reminds us what a pilgrim is.

ÅNTES DE UMO'O' I GÅYO

 

This is a schedule of Catholic Masses on Sundays in all the Catholic churches and public chapels on Guam in the year 1955, excluding the military chapels.

You can see how early in the morning Sunday Mass was in the old days, many of them before the crack of dawn.

In fact, a common saying among people, especially mothers, back then was, "Åntes de umo'o' i gåyo, esta debe de un gaige gi gima'yu'us."

"Before the rooster crows, you should already be at church."

I'll explain the reasons for these early Mass times further down this article.

But notice : the earliest Sunday Mass was at 5AM (Agaña Heights and Sinajaña) and the latest Sunday Mass was at 10AM (Agaña Heights, Sinajaña and Yoña).

But in many villages, Sunday Mass no longer available after 8 or 830AM. If you were from Asan, Dededo, Maina, Malojloj, Mangilao, Ordot, Santa Rita, Toto or Humåtak and weren't in church by 8AM, you missed Mass or had to go to another village to find one.

WHY SO EARLY?

The FIRST reason is on the Church side.

In the good old days, no one, not even the priest, could receive Holy Communion unless they had not eaten anything or drunk anything at all, not even water, from 12 midnight till the time of Holy Communion. Obviously, the later the Mass was in the day, the hungrier the person - and the priest! So they scheduled Masses as early as possible in the morning, or even before dawn.

Notice that no Masses began after 10AM. By then it was too late in the day for priests and people to keep fasting.

The SECOND reason is on the people's side.

Before the war, the vast majority of people farmed for a living. That meant that they woke up very early, and prided themselves in that. This way they could hear Mass at 4AM or 5AM and get to their farms (often on foot) before the sun made the day too hot. After the war, farming almost completely disappeared, and people began waking up a bit later, though old habits didn't die right away. 

The people didn't go to their farms on Sunday, of course. All manual labor was forbidden by the Church on the Lord's Day. But the people still woke up at 4 or 5AM, even on Sundays. It was just a routine the people didn't break.

DAMENGGON LÅSARO

 

You may have noticed this past Sunday, if you went to Mass, that your church covered the statues in the sanctuary (altar area). Not all Catholic churches do this, but all of them did prior to the 1960s and the custom seems to be returning to most churches in our islands.

Veiling the statues shocks us, and it is meant to.

We are two weeks away from the bitter suffering and crucifixion of the Lord when the statues are covered. The Church is wanting us to feel the loss of the Lord. He was arrested and taken away. Imprisoned, He was absent from His Mother and His disciples for that time. We, too, should feel something of their sense of loss when He was taken away.

Two Sundays before Easter was called by our mañaina (elders) DAMENGGON LÅSARO. LAZARUS SUNDAY.

Which Lazarus?

Lazarus, the friend of Jesus, who died and who was brought back to life by Jesus even after Lazarus had been buried several days in the tomb.

Well that was the last straw for the enemies of Jesus. Outdone by Jesus, His enemies resolved to put Him to death, and the ball started rolling leading to His arrest and crucifixion.

But why is this Sunday named after Lazarus? 

In the Missal (Mass prayer book) used in Spain at one time, and still is used in a few parts of Spain, took its Gospel for the Sunday before Palm Sunday from the story of Lazarus' resurrection. So, in Spain, the Sunday before Palm Sunday was called DOMINGO DE LÁZARO, and because the Catholic missionaries in the Marianas were mainly Spaniards until the late 1930s, our mañaina called it the same thing, but using the Chamorro version of the name.

Here's how the schedule looked in the old days :

DAMENGGON LÅSARO (LAZARUS SUNDAY) (cover statues)	Monday	Tuesday	Wednesday	Thursday	Friday	Saturday
DAMENGGON RÅMOS (PALM SUNDAY) Start of Holy Week (Semåna Sånta)	Holy Monday	Holy Tuesday	Holy Wednesday	Holy Thursday	Good Friday	Holy Saturday     Statue veils come off at Vigil Mass
EASTER SUNDAY

 

VERSIÓN ESPAÑOLA

(traducida por Manuel Rodríguez)

DAMENGGON LÅSARO

Es posible que notara el domingo pasado, si asistió a misa, que su parroquia cubrió las imágenes del altar. No todos los templos católicos hacen esto, pero todos lo hacían antes de la década de 1960 y la costumbre parece estar regresando a la mayoría de las iglesias en las Islas Marianas.

Estamos a dos semanas del amargo sufrimiento y crucifixión del Señor, tiempo en el que las imágenes están cubiertas. La Iglesia quiere que sintamos la pérdida del Señor. Fue arrestado y llevado. Encarcelado, estuvo ausente de Su Madre y Sus discípulos por ese tiempo. Nosotros también deberíamos sentir algo de su sentido de pérdida cuando se lo llevaron.

Dos domingos antes de Semana Santa fue llamado en chamorro por nuestros “mañaina” (ancianos) DAMENGGON LÅSARO.

¿Cuál Lázaro?

Lázaro, el amigo de Jesús, que murió y que Jesús lo devolvió a la vida incluso después de haber sido enterrado varios días en su tumba.

Bueno, ésa fue la gota que colmó el vaso para los enemigos de Jesús. Superados por Jesús, sus enemigos resolvieron darle muerte, y la bola comenzó a rodar lo cual conducía a su arresto y crucifixión.

Pero, ¿por qué este domingo lleva el nombre de Lázaro?

En el Misal (libro de oraciones de la Misa) usado en España durante un tiempo, y todavía se usa en algunas partes del país, se tomó del Evangelio, para el domingo anterior al Domingo de Ramos, la historia de la resurrección de Lázaro. Así, en España, el domingo anterior al Domingo de Ramos se llamaba DOMINGO DE LÁZARO, y como los misioneros católicos en las Islas Marianas eran mayoritariamente españoles hasta finales de los años 30, nuestros “mañaina” (ancianos) lo llamaban así, pero usando la versión chamorra del nombre: DAMENGGON LÅSARO.

FUNERAL RECEIPT 1925

 

This receipt for church funeral services was issued to prove that a member of the deceased's family shouldered that cost. It was needed in a court case in 1925 to settle a family dispute over the estate of the deceased.

For much of the Spanish period, the missionaries published a schedule of fees for many church services, and not just for spiritual services. This schedule of fees was called ARANCEL in Spanish.

Sacraments cannot be bought; it is against Church law to do so and any priest who tries to sell sacraments, blessings or blessed objects will be punished by the Church itself.

But churches and priests also had to pay bills, and a fee for a baptismal certificate, for example, meant the parish had to buy paper (rarely were blank certificates printed before-hand, another expense). A priest had to buy food and supplies and, on occasion, give monetary support to someone doing work or a service for the church. These fees met those expenses.

In those days, most people grew or caught their own food, made their own household tools or items, or traded goods for goods, that they had less reason than today to use what cash they had. That unused cash often went to their local church for Masses. American Navy officials sometimes "complained" about it.

The poor were never deprived of church services on account of their inability to pay fees. To do so was against Church rules. Fees were sometimes paid with a dozen eggs or a sack of corn meal. Many cashless people paid others in general this way.

The priest who wrote the receipt was Father Bernabé de Cáseda, a Capuchin friar from Spain. He was stationed in Inalåhan for a long time and built the church there that exists to this day. He was in Inalåhan so long that several baby boys in Inalåhan were named Bernabé after him. Bernabé is the Spanish way of saying Barnabas. Saint Barnabas was a companion of Saint Paul the Apostle.

PÅLE' BERNABÉ

In those days, no Spanish priest could be assigned to a village until he first learned enough Chamorro to be able to communicate with his people, and he had to pass a test given by Påle' Román, the Spanish priest considered the expert in the Chamorro language. In the 1920s and 30s, huge numbers of Chamorros on Guam could not speak English and spoke only Chamorro.

Let's look at the Chamorro used in the receipt :

Guåho Fr. Bernabé de Cáseda hu resibe ginen as Ignacio LG San Nicolas pot i entierron Dolores Castro Concepcion ini na limosna :

(I Friar Bernabé de Cáseda received from Ignacio LG San Nicolas for the funeral of Dolores Castro Concepcion this donation :)

Entierro Solemne yan Misa Cantada.....$14.00

(Solemn Funeral and Sung Mass.....$14.00)

Gi Noviembre na pulan pot responso....$0.75

(In the month of November for responso....$0.75)

Hu na' magåhet ini

(I certify this)

Fr. Bernabé de Cáseda

Inalåhan 22.II.1925

OK let's break it down :

1. The Fr in the receipt does not stand for "Father" but for the Spanish title "Fray" which means "Friar." Father Bernabé was a Capuchin Franciscan friar and, even though he was also a priest, his identity as a friar wasn't forgotten. Friars who were priests often titled themselves "Fray Padre," or "Friar Father."

2. You can tell the typewriter he used was probably manufactured in Spain since it had keys to type Spanish accent marks, like the dash over the E in Bernabé and over the A in Cáseda.

3. Father Bernabé uses the old word for "this" which is ini. More people used the Spanish word este.

4. Church services could be simple or solemn; recited or sung. If Mass was sung, this meant a choir had to sing at Mass and choir members had to take time out of their day to do that. So more fees were paid the more services were requested.

5. A responso is a prayer said for the dead. November is the month the Poor Souls in Purgatory are remembered in a special way, and one could request a priest to say a responso in November at the grave(s) of one's loved one(s).

6. The literal meaning of "I certify this" in the receipt is "I make this true."

7. The dating format is European, not American. First comes the day of the month (the 22nd), then the month in Roman numerals (II, or 2, which means February), then the year.

VERSIÓN ESPAÑOLA

(traducida por Manuel Rodríguez)

PADRE BERNABÉ Y UN RECIBO DE 1925

El recibo que vemos abajo, por los servicios funerarios eclesiásticos, se emitió para probar que un miembro de la familia del difunto se hizo cargo de ese costo. Fue necesario en un caso judicial en 1925 para resolver una disputa familiar sobre la herencia del difunto.

Durante gran parte de la época española, los misioneros publicaron un cronograma de tarifas para muchos servicios de la iglesia, y no solo para servicios espirituales. Este cuadro de tarifas se denominó ARANCEL.

Los sacramentos no se pueden comprar; va contra la ley de la Iglesia hacerlo y cualquier sacerdote que intente vender sacramentos, bendiciones u objetos sagrados será castigado por la propia Iglesia.

Pero las iglesias y los sacerdotes también tenían que pagar facturas, y una tarifa por un certificado de bautismo, por ejemplo, se debía a que la parroquia tenía que comprar papel. Un sacerdote tenía que comprar alimentos y suministros y, en ocasiones, dar apoyo monetario a alguien que realizaba un trabajo o un servicio para la iglesia. Estos honorarios cubrían esos gastos.

En aquel tiempo, la mayoría de las personas cultivaban o pescaban sus propios alimentos, fabricaban sus propias herramientas o artículos domésticos, o intercambiaban bienes por otros bienes, por lo que tenían menos razones que hoy para usar el dinero en efectivo que tenían. Ese efectivo no utilizado a menudo iba a su iglesia local para misas. Los oficiales de la Armada estadounidense a veces se "quejaban" al respecto.

Los pobres nunca eran privados de los servicios de la iglesia debido a su incapacidad para pagar las cuotas. Hacer eso estaba en contra de las reglas de la Iglesia. A veces, las tarifas se pagaban con una docena de huevos o un saco de harina de maíz. Muchas personas sin efectivo pagaban a otros en general de esta manera.

El sacerdote que hizo el recibo fue el Padre Bernabé de Cáseda, un fraile capuchino de España. Estuvo destinado en Inaraján durante mucho tiempo y construyó allí la iglesia de San José que existe hasta el día de hoy. Estuvo en Inaraján tanto tiempo que varios bebés varones de Inaraján recibieron el nombre de Bernabé en su honor. San Bernabé fue compañero de San Pablo Apóstol.

En aquellos días, ningún sacerdote español podía ser asignado a un pueblo hasta que primero aprendiera suficiente chamorro para poder comunicarse con su gente, y tenía que pasar una prueba dada por Påle' Román, el sacerdote español considerado el experto en el idioma chamorro. En las décadas de 1920 y 1930, una gran cantidad de chamorros en Guam no hablaban inglés y solo hablaban chamorro.

Veamos el chamorro utilizado en el recibo:

<<Guaho Fr. Bernabé de Cáseda hu resibe ginen as Ignacio LG San Nicolas pot i entierron Dolores Castro Concepcion ini na limosna :

(Yo Fray Bernabé de Cáseda recibí de parte de Ignacio LG San Nicolás por el entierro de Dolores Castro Concepción esta limosna:)

Entierro Solemne yan Misa Cantada.....$14.00

(Entierro Solemne y Misa Cantada.....$14.00)

Gi Noviembre na pulan pot responso....$0.75

(En el mes de noviembre por responso....$0.75)

Hu na' magåhet ini

(Yo certifico esto)

Fray Bernabé de Cáseda

Inalahan 22.II.1925>>

Bueno, vamos a desglosarlo:

1. El “Fr” en el recibo no significa "Padre" sino el título español "Fray" que significa "Fraile". El Padre Bernabé era un fraile franciscano capuchino y, aunque también era sacerdote, su identidad como fraile no fue olvidada. Los frailes que eran sacerdotes a menudo se titulaban "Fray Padre" o "Fraile Padre".

2. Se puede decir que la máquina de escribir que usó probablemente fue fabricada en España ya que tenía claves para escribir acentos españoles, como la tilde sobre la E en Bernabé y sobre la A en Cáseda.

3. El Padre Bernabé usa la antigua palabra para "esto" que es “ini”. Otra gente usaba la palabra de origen español “este”.

4. Los servicios de la iglesia pueden ser simples o solemnes; recitado o cantado. Si se cantaba Misa, esto significaba que un coro tenía que cantar en Misa y los miembros del coro tenían que tomarse un tiempo de su día para hacerlo. Así que se pagaban más honorarios cuantos más servicios se solicitaban.

5. Un responso es una oración que se dice por los difuntos. Noviembre es el mes en que se recuerda de manera especial a las Pobres Almas del Purgatorio, y uno podría pedirle a un sacerdote que dijera un responso en noviembre en la(s) tumba(s) de un(os) ser (es) querido(s).

6. El significado literal de "Certifico esto" en el recibo es "Hago esto verdadero".

7. El formato de fechas es europeo, no americano. Primero viene el día del mes (el 22), luego el mes en números romanos (II o 2, que significa febrero), luego el año.

 

NOBENAN SANTA CRUZ

 

In Spanish times, there were MANY shrines to the Holy Cross (Santa Cruz) built all over Guam. A handful of them still exist, often in hidden corners most people don't see. Many are made of wood.

But one of the more prominent ones, and one that has lasted for over 200 years, is the Santa Cruz shrine at Atantåno'. Because the wooden cross is planted in a solid base of limestone and concrete, this shrine has survived typhoons and escaped American bombing at the end of the war.

The Atantåno' area is swampy, which is ideal for rice cultivation. As a saying goes, rice is "born" in water, and "dies" in water (when you boil it to eat).

But the other side of the coin is that, being swampy, thick vegetation grows abundantly in this area, making it very hard to clear the land for rice paddies and level the ground for a road.

That is why the oldest part of this shrine, built around 1785, says that Governor Felipe Ceráin, "made to be built this DIFFICULT road" and planted coconut groves. Later, around 1834, the monument says that Governor Francisco Villalobos had rice paddies planted here. Lastly, the base commemorates the rebuilding of the Piti-Agat road in 1909 under the US Navy.

One of the reasons why so many Holy Cross shrines were built was to give security to many people who felt afraid in the rural areas where the taotaomo'na (ancestral spirits) lived.

Even before the Spaniards developed the area, Atantåno' was the location of a pre-contact Chamorro community, and there are archaeological artifacts all over the area going back to their times.

Over the years, a nobena (nine days/nights of prayer) to the Santa Cruz has been prayed at this shrine in Atantåno'. Today Mayor Jesse Alig has taken the lead in reciting the nobena in Chamorro himself. His Municipal Council, the Guam Preservation Trust and the Piti community are all assisting in celebrating the feast which comes every year on May 3rd.

Here is a short video of the first night of the nobena this year (2022) :

The public is invited to the celebration on May 3rd at 6PM. There will be Mass, followed by dinner, entertainment and pictorial exhibit.

VERSIÓN ESPAÑOLA

(traducida por Manuel Rodríguez)

En tiempos de los españoles, había muchos santuarios dedicados a la Santa Cruz construidos por todo Guam. Todavía existen un puñado de ellos, a menudo en rincones ocultos que la mayoría de la gente no ve. Muchos están hechos de madera.

Pero uno de los más destacados, y que ha durado más de 200 años, es el santuario de la Santa Cruz de Atantåno'. Debido a que la cruz de madera está plantada en una base sólida de piedra caliza y hormigón, este santuario sobrevivió a los tifones y escapó de los bombardeos estadounidenses al final de la guerra.

El área de Atantåno' es pantanosa, lo cual es ideal para el cultivo de arroz. Como dice un refrán, el arroz "nace" en el agua y "muere" en el agua (cuando lo hierves para comer).

Pero la otra cara de la moneda es que en esta zona, al ser pantanosa, crece una espesa vegetación en abundancia, lo que dificulta mucho la limpieza del terreno para los arrozales y la nivelación del suelo para la carretera.

Por eso, la parte más antigua de este santuario, construido alrededor de 1785, dice que el gobernador Felipe Ceráin, "hizo construir este camino difícil" y plantó cocoteros. Posteriormente, hacia 1834, el monumento dice que el gobernador Francisco Villalobos mandó sembrar aquí arrozales. Por último, la base conmemora la reconstrucción de la carretera Piti-Agat en 1909 bajo la Marina de los EE. UU.

Una de las razones por las que se construyeron tantos santuarios dedicados a la Santa Cruz fue para dar seguridad a muchas personas que sentían miedo en las zonas rurales donde vivían los taotaomo'na (espíritus ancestrales).

Incluso antes de que los españoles desarrollaran el área, Atantåno' era la ubicación de una comunidad chamorra pre-hispánica, y hay artefactos arqueológicos en toda el área que se remontan a sus tiempos.

A lo largo de los años, se ha rezado una nobena (nueve días/noches de oración) a la Santa Cruz en este santuario de Atantåno'. Hoy el alcalde Jesse Alig ha tomado la iniciativa al recitar la nobena en idioma chamorro. Su Consejo Municipal, el Guam Preservation Trust y la comunidad de Piti están ayudando a organizar la fiesta que se celebra todos los años el 3 de mayo.

Aquí hay un vídeo corto de la primera noche de la nobena este año (2022):

El público está invitado a la celebración el 3 de mayo a las 6PM. Habrá misa, seguida de cena, entretenimiento y exhibición pictórica.

CHURCH PEWS

 

The above is a photo of the inside of the Hagåtña church around the year 1900. Notice anything?

NO PEWS.

You see some benches, but there are curious things about these benches.

First, there are too few benches to seat the entire congregation, at a time in history when that church would be filled to capacity on Sundays. Even on weekdays, there were large crowds at Mass. Secondly, the benches are not facing the sanctuary (altar space). Thirdly, the benches are not uniform. They look as if they were obtained from different sources, at different times perhaps. Lastly, the benches have no kneelers. Everyone knelt on the floor, or remained seated/standing if you were unable to kneel due to old age or infirmity.

PEWS ARE A "NEW" THING

MEN KNEELING OR STANDING AT MASS

No pews, no seats

People might be surprised to find out that pews are a "new" thing in the Church. When a Church is 2000 years old, as is the Catholic Church, "new" doesn't mean last year. "New" can mean 500 years ago. That's still "new" compared to 1500 years before that.

In the ancient Church, people stood and knelt. There was no idea that one was to be "comfortable" attending Mass. One stood at some parts of the Mass, and one knelt at other parts of the Mass. Standing was a posture of respectful attention, and kneeling was a posture of adoration, humility and sorrow.

Of course some people found it a physical challenge to do either, to stand or to kneel for long or for any length of time at all. The old and infirm who could not stand or kneel often didn't come to Mass, then, since they were excused on account of their situation. If they came to Mass, they could sit on stools or chairs. Some of them brought their own if the church didn't have enough or any at all.

GARAPAN'S PEWLESS CHURCH IN SAIPAN AROUND 1900

Just a few benches facing each other

By and by, people who could afford to buy or have made their own benches brought them to church. Not everyone had the money or lumber to do that. But in time the people who did bring their own benches left them in the church, rather than carry them back and forth each Sunday.

As time went on, more and more people began to think everyone should be able to sit during some parts of the Mass and that pews should be available for everyone. Providing pews for everyone meant an additional expense for the church, and I imagine that's why our churches in the Marianas were without pews at least some of the time, as evidenced in the photo at the top.

Some churches did without pews for practical reasons, too. In this photo of the Catholic Church's headquarters, so to speak, Saint Peter's in the Vatican, benches and chairs are brought out only when needed. Otherwise the church is laid bare, as seen in the photo. Too many things happen in the Basilica and permanent pews would limit the movement of the different things that go on inside.

SAINT PETER'S BASILICA IN ROME

No permanent pews

MEN AND WOMEN SEPARATED

If you notice in this photo of the Garapan Church in Saipan around the year 1900, all the women are in one group on the left, and all the men are separate in their own groupings behind the women and more on the right of the photo.

This reminds us of the fact that Church Law in the old days recommended that men sit (or kneel/stand) on one side of the church (if there was a statue of Saint Joseph, usually on the right, then in front of him) and the women on the opposite side (if there was a statue of Mary, usually on the left, then in front of her).

This custom was codified in the 1917 Code of Canon Law (Church Law) which said, in Canon 1262 (1) : "It is desirable that, in harmony with ancient Church order, the women in church be separated from the men."

This was not a strict rule, but it was recommended. Thus it was not always followed. It depended on the priest at the time or on the custom of the place. The current Canon Law of the Church says nothing about men and women occupying opposite sides of the church.

PEW RENTAL OR ASSIGNED PEWS

PEDRO MARTÍNEZ, PASCUAL ARTERO, JOSÉ TORRES AND JAMES UNDERWOOD

Clockwise beginning with top left

One way for churches to cover the expense of providing pews in church was to rent out the front pews to whoever was willing to pay the rent. This rent ensured that that family got to sit in that pew. Pew rents were a thing in some Protestant churches, as well, in the old days.

PEW RENT INCOME

in a Protestant church in the US in 1897

I am not sure this was done in Guam, but what I do know for certain is that four prominent families had the right to sit in the first two pews on either side of the center aisle in the Hagåtña Cathedral before the war. Whether they paid a rental fee for this or not, I do not know. These four families were already such big financial contributors to the Church that I wouldn't be surprised if there was no fee at all.

The four families were those of Pedro Pangelinan Martínez, Pascual Sáez Artero, José Martínez Torres and James Holland Underwood. All four men, and sometimes their wives, were very active in supporting the Church. They all had some financial means, from businesses, ranches or government positions. Martínez and Underwood were brothers-in-law. Underwood had been raised a Baptist in his native North Carolina, but became Catholic when marrying his Chamorro wife. Artero was a Spaniard, close to the Spanish priests before the war. Torres was a merchant, a musician and related to Pedro Martínez and Martínez's wife.

Four families, four pews; the first two on either the left or right of the main aisle.

I don't think this was done in the other churches of Guam or the other islands of the Marianas. And, after the war, the custom was discontinued in the Hagåtña Cathedral, which was destroyed anyway during the American bombardment of 1944 and wasn't rebuilt till 1959.

At the time, no one made an issue of the privilege of sitting in the front pews going to certain families. And I think the newer generations of those same families wouldn't want the custom to be revived. Even pew rents, which did cause bad feelings in the past, were discontinued many years ago as people's thinking changed.

TODAY MAY NOT BE ANY BETTER

It is always a temptation to think our times are better than the past.

But if we point fingers at the past when sitting up front in church, in a few cases, was reserved for the few, think about our modern mindset where some people choose what church to go to based on how cold the church air conditioning is.

The more things change, the more they stay the same.

UN TINAYUYUT

Asaina Yu'us Tåta,
(Lord God and Father,)

hågo muna' fan huyung todo i guaha.
(you made all that exists.)

Todo i ma susesede gi hilo' tåno', man ginigiha siha nu i kanai-mo.
(Everything that happens on earth is guided by your hand.)

Un po'lo hame ni taotao-mo guine na tåno' gi talo' gi halom tåse.
(You place us your people on this land in the middle of the sea.)

Meggai na chinatsaga in susede, man maså'pet ham gi todo klåsen minappot.
(We have gone through many hardships, we have suffered in all manner of difficulty.)

Lao i yo'ase' na kanai-mo sumåtba ham todos.
(But your merciful hand saved us all.)

Bendise ham todos på'go annai in silelebra i kutturan-måme.
(Bless us all now when we celebrate our culture.)

Na' fan uno ham gi guinaiya yan inagofli'e'.
(Make us one in love and mutual endearment.)

Sa' todo i bidan-måmåme para i ma tunan i na'ån-mo.
(Because all that we are doing is for the praise of your name.)

In gagagao hao ni este ginen i Lahi-mo as Jesukristo i Sainan-måme.
(We ask you this through your Son our Lord Jesus Christ.)

Taiguennao mohon.
(Amen.)

I AMONESTASIONES

Before 1983, it was a universal requirement that Catholic churches announce the foreseen wedding of a bride and groom for three consecutive Sundays (or Holy Days of Obligation) in both the bride's parish and the groom's parish. The reason for this was to discover any legal impediments that would prevent the wedding.

The idea was that a man might still have a wife living somewhere, unbeknownst to the priest. Announcing the intended wedding well in advance should, so the theory went, uncover any hidden prior marriages or whatever else might prevent the wedding. A bride and groom might even be first cousins but unaware of the fact, because one or even both of the two could be illegitimate, only the mother knowing who the biological father was. First cousins can get married, but only with the bishop's permission. Otherwise, the wedding could not proceed.

In the English language, these announcements are called marriage or wedding "banns," from an old English word meaning "proclamation." The names of the brides and grooms were announced at Mass, and anyone who might no a reason or reasons why the couple could not legally get married in Church had to inform the parish priest.

In the Marianas, these announcements were called the amonestasiones, a word borrowed from the Spanish. The word comes from the Latin word for "warn or advise."

Since many people could not read or write, the amonestasiones were read out by the priest during the announcements in church. In time, they became printed in the church bulletin and/or tacked to the bulletin board or doors of the church.

Here is a sample of an actual amonestasiones read out in Chamorro by a Spanish priest in 1925.

Hu na' fan manungo' todos :
(I make it known to everyone :)

na si Antonio Díaz Pérez, sottero, de 24 åños de edåt,
(that Antonio Díaz Pérez, single, aged 24 years,)

låhen Félix yan Josefa, mafañågo giya Agaña (Guam),
(son of Félix and Josefa, born in Agaña (Guam),)

yan si Estella Pangelinan Sablan, sottera, de 17 åños de edåt,
(and Estella Pangelinan Sablan, single, aged 17 years,)

hagan Mariano yan Elisa, mafañågo guine,
(daughter of Mariano and Elisa, born here,)

malago' umassagua, si Yu'us mediånte.
(wish to marry, God willing.)

Pot lo tånto, håye i tumungo' na guaha håf na impedimento,
(Therefore, whoever knows that some impediment exists,)

na pot guiya ti siña u ma selebra este na umakamo',
(by which this union cannot be celebrated,)

u sangåne yo' åntes de i 16 på'go na mes.
(will inform me before the 16th of this month.)

It was signed by Father Dionisio de la Fuente, the Jesuit priest of Garapan, Saipan.

The bride and groom in this case, Antonio and Estella, went on to get married. Antonio passed away in 1969. Estella lived for many more years, passing on in 1993.

Antonio Díaz and Estella Pangelinan Pérez

NOTES

1. The Spanish priest rendered the names of the bride and groom in the Spanish style, which places the person's father's last name first, followed by the mother's. So Antonio Pérez Díaz's father was a Pérez and his mother was a Díaz. On Guam in 1920, the American Naval Government ordered everyone to follow the American custom of placing the father's last name last, so Antonio Pérez Díaz became Antonio Díaz Pérez.

2. Si Yu'us mediånte. This is the Chamorro form of the Spanish phrase "Dios mediante," literally meaning "by means of God," or "God willing." Man might want something, but if God doesn't want it to happen, it won't.

SAIPAN : LUISES YAN ESTANISLAOS

Garapan Church in the 1930s

Before World War II, Spanish Jesuits staffed the Catholic missions of Saipan and Luta.

These Jesuit missionaries established on Saipan two organizations for boys and young men, just as they had been doing for many years in Spain. The aim of these two organizations was the religious formation of the members.

Age divided these two societies.

The Congregation of SAN ESTANISLAO was for boys who had made their First Holy Communion (7 years old) up to around 15 years old. It was named after Saint Stanislaus Kostka, a Polish Jesuit saint who died at the age of 17.

The Congregation of SAN LUIS GONZAGA was for boys older than 15, up until they got married. This group was named after Saint Aloysius Gonzaga, an Italian Jesuit saint who died at the age of 23. These two young, male saints were to be the model for the young males in these societies.

In Spain, members of the two groups were called Luises and Estanislaos. I don't know if they were called this in Saipan; all the members back then are now passed away! But it's possible they were, even if only on occasion by the Spanish priest.

Like any organization, they had their regular meetings and religious functions. In parts of Spain, the Luises met every third Sunday of the month for spiritual reflection and prayer.

These statues of San Luis Gonzaga and San Estanislao in the Mt Carmel Cathedral in Chalan Kanoa, Saipan are echoes of the past. Many people wonder, "Who are these saints and why are they here?" Now they have the answer with this blog post.

ESTABLISHED IN 1932

In April of 1932, the Spanish Jesuits in Saipan established the Congregation of San Luís Gonzaga in Garapan. Though the Chamorros were the majority, the Carolinians were well represented.

In time, every third Sunday of the month, the members attended the same Mass and received Holy Communion as a group. Mass was followed by a spiritual talk given just to the members. Gatherings usually ended with some kind of social time, such as a meal or snacks (merienda), once at the home of the Tomokane family.

ORIGINAL MEMBERS OF THE CONGREGATION OF SAN LUIS GONZAGA

April 1932

Juan Matsunaga	Daniel Matsunaga	David Reyes
José Muña	Joaquín Santos	Juan Mendiola
Jesús Dueñas	Jesús Tudela	José Villagómez
Manasés Matsunaga	Gregorio Arriola	Germán de León Guerrero
Tomás Agulto	Vicente Cruz	Godofredo Sánchez
Gregorio Castro	Pedro Camacho	Antonio Reyes
Carlos Torres	Luís Arriola	Efrain Matsunaga
Francisco Sablan	Benedicto Lizama	Vicente Capileo
Luís Santos	Elías Malite	Vidal Selepeo
Francisco Teregeyo	Albert Fitipual	Tomás Igimara
Aniceto Teregeyo	Alejandro Sablan	José Olopai
Tomás Ríos	Antonio Díaz	Vicente Cepeda
Gabriel Boyer	Francisco Borja	Martín Borja
Antonio Cabrera Camacho	Leonardo Cabrera	José Cepeda
Bonifacio Esteves	Vicente Babauta	Luís Santos
Juan Cepeda	Tomás Blas	Antonio Rogolifoi
Jesús Ríos	José de León Guerrero	Joaquín Díaz
Torcuato Borja	Alberto Tenorio	Enrique Lizama
Juan Limes	Gregorio Camacho	Vicente Palacios
Basilio Ogarto	José Fitial

From among these members, the following were office holders :

Jesús Ríos - Prefect
José de León Guerrero - Assistant
Joaquín Díaz - Secretary
Torcuato Borja - Treasurer
Alberto Tenorio - Warden
Enrique Lizama - Instructor

Juan Limes - Councilor
Gregorio Camacho - Councilor
Vicente Palacios - Councilor
Basilio Ogarto - Councilor
José Fitial - Councilor