PÅLE' TARDIO

Påle' Tardio saying Mass right after the American arrival in the summer of 1944

(Notice the tattered sleeve of the altar boy's cassock)

Before the war, Spanish Jesuits were in charge of the Catholic Church in Saipan and Luta (Rota). Tinian did not have a Chamorro community there (except for a few men working there on and off) and didn't have a church.

Unlike Guam, with its ten priests and a bishop, Saipan's population was small enough (around 4000) to warrant only one priest, sometimes assisted by a Jesuit brother. There were also, since 1928, Spanish Mercedarian sisters working on Saipan.

From the early 1930s on, there was one priest for all of Saipan, whose name was echoed on that island up to the present age by the older people : Påle' José Tardio.  He had tremendous influence over the people, who were at the time extremely devout Catholics.

Påle' Tardio was born in southern Spain.  He was a short man, but his personality was large.  He knew everyone in the community and spoke Chamorro.

Like many priests in those days, he was strict.  If he saw a member of the Hijas de Maria, the association for young, single women, dancing, he would go straight up to her and remove her association medal from her neck.  Wearing lip stick was also a major transgression. One elderly lady told me the story how her family bought a record player, a luxury in those days, and how her brother wanted to play Japanese records (what else?) right away.  She, however, cautioned him, "Adahe!  Yanggen ha hungok si Påle' Tardio, ha kastiga hit siempre!"  "Be careful!  If Påle' Tardio hears it, he will surely punish us!"

For a brief stint in the mid 1930s, Påle' Tardio exchanged places with the priest of Luta, Father Juan Pons. But that was only for a couple of years, perhaps just to give both priests a change of scenery, and then they went back to their respective places. Påle' Tardio would always be the "Påle' Saipan" and Pons the "Påle' Luta."

A skinnier Påle' Tardio right after the American conquest of Saipan in 1944

Some time before the war started in 1941, the Japanese imposed restrictions on Påle' Tardio's priestly activities. Mass could be said only on certain days and at certain times, usually at hours the Japanese knew the people could not attend. His sermons had to be examined by the Japanese, submitting them in writing in advance.

Eventually, with the war in full swing, he was more or less put under house arrest. Only the sisters and a few lucky Chamorros were able to attend Mass most days of the week.

The Japanese sometimes paid visits to the priest, and some unpleasant conversations ensued.  It was a form of psychological intimidation.

FR JOSÉ TARDIO, SJ

before the war

Although Spain was not a participant in World War II, the Japanese believed that Spaniards, being white Christian Europeans, would favor the United States over the Japanese. If Påle' Tardio was not an active spy yet, he would certainly help the Americans one way or another, the Japanese thought, especially if the Americans land and the priest comes in contact with them.

In 1944, with American ships and planes threatening Saipan, the Japanese requisitioned the Catholic priest's house. He and his companion, Brother Gregorio Oroquieta, had to pack their few belongings and find shelter with some Chamorros in their ranch houses.

When the American invasion of Saipan began, Påle' Tardio, Brother Gregorio and the sisters met up and moved from place to place, accompanied by some Chamorros.  Hungry and parched, they slept on the ground, sometimes without even a small cave for shelter.  One of the sisters was wounded, and Påle' Tardio gave her absolution from a distance while the fighting continued.

One of the first things some Americans did, especially the Catholic chaplains, was try to locate any Catholic clergy or missionaries.  "Where is the priest?  Where are the sisters?" they would ask. Finally, a Chamorro said he knew where they were and escorted some Americans to find them.

Once Påle' Tardio and the rest were safely in American hands, Påle' Tardio resumed his shepherd's role among his traumatized people. Chamorros and Carolinians were put in their own refugee camp in Susupe in the southern part of Saipan, while the battle continued in the north of Saipan.

The Spanish Påle'Tardio and the American Catholic military chaplains formed a tight bond right away. What he and the Chamorro and Carolinian people wanted most was Holy Mass, which the Japanese had taken away from them.  The military chaplains made it possible for Påle' Tardio to offer Mass once again among his people.

Påle' Tardio under better circumstances well after the liberation, when a decent chapel was able to be built

Påle' Tardio stayed on in Saipan for a few years after the war's end, but Rome had made the decision to entrust the Northern Marianas to the American Capuchins of Guam.  Even when the first American Capuchin started working in Saipan, Påle'Tardio stayed on a little to help with the transition.  But by the summer of 1947 he had returned to Spain, dying towards the end of that same year.  But everyone old enough to have known him remembers him to this day.

nmi humanities council

PÅLE' TARDIO AFTER THE WAR

KÅNTAN MAÑENGGON

This song goes to the tune of the Marine Corps Anthem.  "From the halls of Montezuma, to the shores of Tripoli."

The Chamorro lyrics were written in 1993 by the late Marine Corps Captain Peter Siguenza, a World War II veteran.  He wrote the lyrics for Susie Reyes Arceo to sing.  The spelling rendition is my own style.

GERAN GUAM

(The War on Guam)

1. Impottånte este na estoria, estorian pot i geran Guam.
Ma atåka i tano'-ta, nu i tropan i "Rising Sun."
I Chamorro man maså'pet, man ma anña' yan man ma puno'
ni manailaye na taotao, hålom liyang yan bokkongo'.

(This story is important, the story of the war on Guam,
Our land was attacked by the troops of the Rising Sun.
The Chamorros suffered, were beaten and killed
by evil people, in caves and bomb shelters.)

2. Man ma "camp" giya Mañenggon, såpblen "taicho" ma fåfåna'.
Tåya' boka ya man malångo', i Chamorro man ma tribunåt.
Ai Sånta Marian Kåmalen, maila' ya un ayuda ham;
na' fan libre ham gi peligro, åsta ke u fåtto si "Uncle Sam."

(They camped at Mañenggon, they faced the swords of the taicho.
Lacking food and sick, the Chamorros were put on trial.
Oh Our Lady of Camarin, come and help us;
free us from danger, till Uncle Sam comes.)

3. Annai man hålom i sendålo, giya Hågat yan Asan,
gi Hulio bente uno, kuarentai kuåttro na såkkan.
Dångkulo i mumun-ñiha, para u ma chule' tåtte Guam;
manmangånna i Amerikåno, siha fuetsan "Uncle Sam."

(When the soldiers came in, at Agat and Asan,
on July 21, in the year 1944.
The battle was great, to take back Guam;
the Americans won, they are the strength of Uncle Sam.)

4. I "Third Marine Division," "Seventy-seventh Army Group;"
i "brigade" yan todo i tropa, man matåtnga yan man metgot.
Man ma såtba i Chamorro, bula "spam" yan "pork and beans."
Man ma guaiya i sendålo, i "United States Marines."
Man ma guaiya i sendålo, i "United States Armed Forces."

(The Third Marine Division, Seventy-seventh Army Group;
the brigade and all the troops, were fearless and strong.
They saved the Chamorros, there was plenty of spam and pork and beans.
The soldiers were loved, the United States Marine.
The soldiers were loved, the United States Armed Forces.)

NOTE

Taicho (actually properly transliterated, taichou) is Japanese for "leader, captain, commander."

WHAT COLORS DID OUR ANCESTORS SEE?

The question may seem foolish to you.

But, did you know that not all languages "see" colors the same way others do?

For example, the Vietnamese see what we call "blue" and "green" as two shades of the same color.  A "grue" as some say.  Their word for both colors is xanh.  In order to distinguish the two shades of xanh, they will say "leaf xanh" for what we call "green" and "ocean xanh" for what we call "blue."

Other languages do not differentiate between green and yellow, as in Telugu, a major language in India. Their word "patstsa" can refer to both green or yellow!  To be more clear, they have to add additional words like, "leaf patstsa" for "green," and "turmeric patstsa" as opposed to "bright patstsa" for "mustard" and "gold."

So....what colors did our ancestors SEE?  Because one has to see a color first, before one names it.

ONE THEORY

Berlin and Kay, the former an anthropologist and the latter a linguist, came up with a theory (contested by some) that says that almost all languages start out having two basic colors in their vocabulary : black and white.

If the language has a third color, it will always be red.

If the language has a fourth color, it will be a color that can be either green or yellow.

Onward we go to a fifth color and so on till we get to pink, orange, purple and gray.

Now this is interesting because indeed we have indigenous names for those primary three colors black, white and red.

BLACK	ÅTTILONG
WHITE	Å’PAKA’
RED	AGAGA’

Interestingly, when our ancestors drew images on the walls of caves, they used only these three colors above : black, white and red. That's because of three materials they used to make those drawings : powdered lime rock (white), charcoal (black) or clay (red). Other sources for the "ink" may have been used, but the colors rendered were always black, white or red.

Turtle Images in Black in Chugai Cave, Luta

But for all the other colors we use loan words from Spanish.

GREEN	BETDE (Spanish verde)
YELLOW	AMARIYO (Spanish amarillo)
BLUE	ASUT (Spanish azul)
BROWN	(KOLOT DE) CHOKOLÅTE (Spanish chocolate)
PURPLE	(KOLOT DE) LILA (Spanish lila)

Before we go on, I have to point out that, although we use Spanish terms for brown and purple, we don't use the exact words for brown and purple which are used by Spaniards.

In Spain, something brown is marrón or pardo; sometimes, also, castaño and even café (the color of coffee). Something purple is morado or púrpura.

But our people say kolot de chokolåte, or sometimes just chokolåte, when they want to say "brown." "Purple" is kolot de lila, or just plain lila, the color of lilacs.

ONLY THREE COLORS?

So we come back to the question : why are there only three indigenous words for colors in Chamorro?

We can look at the following possibilities :

1. Our ancestors only saw three colors : black, white and red.  This fits in nicely with the Berlin/Kay theory that almost all languages start out with terms for those three colors.

2. Our ancestors had words for other colors, but dropped them in favor of the Spanish words, especially for green, blue and yellow.  But why do that?  Why drop the words for blue and green, which would be so common, considering the green of the earth and the blue of the sea and sky?

Well, consider the possibility that our ancestors, like other cultures, did not see the distinction between green and blue; that they might have had a word for "grue."

Since there is no corresponding Spanish term for "grue," Chamorros may have been exposed to the idea that green and blue are different colors.  They may have been forced by circumstance, having to deal with non-Chamorros moving to the Marianas, to pick up the Spanish words for green and blue, and abandon the concept and word for "grue."

The same could apply to yellow and green, seen as two shades of one color in some cultures.

3. As for yellow, it's also possible that our ancestors used the word mangu for yellow; the color of the local ginger. Pale' Roman's dictionary say mangu can mean the color yellow, and not just the ginger itself.

WHAT IS THE CHAMORRO WORD FOR "COLOR?"

Ask a Chamorro today, and they'd say kolot.

That's our pronunciation of the Spanish word color.

But thanks to Pale' Roman, we are told there was an indigenous word for color : hilet.

Now THAT may explain a lot more; the fact that there was an indigenous word for color.

Because then our ancestors may not have necessarily come up with a word for blue, or green or yellow.

They just had to say hilet långet (the color of the sky) for blue, or maybe it was hilet tåsi (the color of the ocean).  And maybe hilet hågon (the color of the leaf) for green.  Just as they could have said hilet mangu (the color of ginger) for yellow.

Or maybe not.

A MYSTERY AND A CONSIDERATION

Now why should we have lost our own word for "color" : hilet?  As well as, possibly, our own words for green, blue and so on?

We'll never know for sure.  People just didn't think it important to write down explanations for these things while they were happening hundreds of years ago.  Things just happened, and people didn't write journals about them.

But the main idea I'd like to propose here is this : not only is it possible that we lost indigenous words for some colors; it's also possible our ancestors did not see the same, distinct colors that you and I have been trained to distinguish through our English-language education.  There may have been, in fact, a Chamorro color for "grue" or "grellow."

The colors you and I see, may not have been the exact same colors they saw.

UGIS : GRAY?

There is a Chamorro word ugis, and it is thought to be the color gray.  But, not really.

Older speakers have explained the meaning of the word to me along these lines :

It is a lightening of a darker color.

An example :

~ Kao maolek este na magagu-ho?
~ (Is this clothing OK on me?)

~ Hunggan, sa' inigis hao ni ennao.
~ (Yes, because it makes your complexion lighter.)

Or :

~ Ei na inapmam hao America!  Esta hao ugis!
~ Wow you were in the States a long time!  Your color is already lighter!

So it seems that ugis does not stand on its own as a distinct color.  One wouldn't say they wanted the painter to paint a wall ugis.

But, if the wall were painted a dark color, someone could say to make it ugis, to make the color a lighter shade.

This reminds me of the Chamorro word boksion, which means "pale, colorless, palid."  It isn't a color, but rather a lack of it!

MAESTRO SIHA GI 1885

Escuela de Niñas

(Girls School in Hagåtña)

Who were teaching in the schools of the Marianas in the late 1800s?  Here's a list from 1885.

At the Colegio de San Juan de Letrán in Hagåtña, founded by Blessed Diego Luís de Sanvitores, and supervised by the priest of Hagåtña from then on, were :

Don Luís Díaz de Torres.  As headmaster, he earned 25 pesos a month.  He had been educated at the Teachers College in Manila (Escuela Normal).

Felipe Cruz
José Cruz Torres
Juan Rosario Sablan
Vicente Flores Aflague

These four teachers earned 10 pesos a month.

The girls, who eventually had their own school building, were taught by two women :

Ana Herrero
Dolores Cruz

These two women teachers earned 5 pesos a month.

OUTLYING VILLAGES AND OTHER ISLANDS

All these teachers earned just three pesos a month.

Sinajaña - Mariano Castro

Aniguak - Justo Aflague

Asan - María Delgado

Tepungan - Pedro Taijito

Sumay - José Cruz

Agat - Mariano Taitano and Antonia Pangelinan

Umatac - Carmela Cruz

Merizo - Pedro Cruz and Ana Pangelinan

Inarajan - José Dueñas

María Cristina (Carolinian village in Tamuning) - Mariano Fausto

Rota - José Castro and Consolación Crisóstomo

Saipan - Joaquina de León Guerrero and Antonia Borja

As you can see, there were very few teachers, which means that they were teaching very few children, compared to the total population of children.

The fact is that the government, and the Church, were not interested in educating every single child.  Since people were farmers and fishermen who lived off the land and sea, there was no perceived need for a classroom education.

But the officials did realize, for many years, that they needed a sufficient number of educated people who could read and write in order to become the civic leaders of the local population, who could assist the government and Church in the formation of the community they envisioned.

CHAMORRO MESSAGING ACRONYMS

SYM	Si Yu’us Ma’åse’
TG	Tåya’ Guaha
NUR	Nangga Un Råto
SMJ	Sus Maria Jose
KMYC	Katna Måmåtai Yo’ Chumålek
THT	Ti Hu Tungo’
NTY	Na’ Tutungo’ Yo’
PF	Pot Fabot
LOL	Lame’ Ombre Lai
BHE	Bai Hånao Esta

*** SYM to Jose Arriola Espinosa for KMYC

ÅMKO' VERSUS BIHO

Tan Etbin

Chamorro has more than one word to express the idea "old."

ÅMKO'

The interesting thing is that only one of them is not borrowed from the Spanish.  That word is åmko'. And åmko', at least in today's Chamorro, can only refer to the age of a person, not a thing.

If someone is old, one can say that he or she is amko'.

But even a ten-year-old is åmko'-ña (older) than a five-year-old.

If Juan is the oldest of the children, even is he is just 11, he is the mås åmko' (oldest).

Some Chamorros even refer to a person of high status as "i amko'," (the "old man") even if the man is 30 years old, as in the case of a young priest.

Perhaps in the Chamorro spoken before the Spaniards, åmko' could also refer to inanimate objects, since we don't know (yet) if there was a separate Chamorro word "old" when applied to things.

SPANISH LOAN WORDS

All the other ways of describing something old are borrowed from the Spanish, and can sometimes refer to persons as well as things.

BIHO/BIHA

An old man is a biho and an old woman is a biha.  These are borrowed from the Spanish viejo and vieja.

These two words can also refer to one's grandparents.  Si bihå-ho means "my grandmother."

There are actual words to refer to one's grandparents and great-grandparents, but biho and biha are perhaps the most common way.  They are actually a short version of Tåtan Biho (old father) and Nånan Biha (old mother).

When applied to objects, biho is used.  I biho na lepblo.  The old book.  I biho na magågo.  The old clothes.

ANTIGO

Borrowed from the Spanish antiguo, this means "old" and is applied to things from the past.

I antigo na kostumbre.  The old custom.

I antigo na songsong.  The old village.

There is a sense that something antigo is an object of respect, whereas biho carries the connotation of something of no use anymore.

If someone has "old values" or "old ideas," one would prefer the word antigo and not biho.

I antigo na hinasso-ña.  His old way of thinking.

ANSIÅNO

Not heard much nowadays, but older Chamorros knew and used this term, meaning "old."

With age comes wisdom, they say, so ansiåno can also mean "wise" from experience.

ÅNTES

Åntes means "before," but that can also infer old age.  Again, a Spanish word.

I åntes na kostumbre.  The custom from before.

GASTÅDO

Something can be "old" in the sense that it is worn out.  Gastådo comes from the Spanish, meaning "spent."

Gastådo ayo na sapåtos.  That shoe is worn out.

HAGAS

Hagas is purely Chamorro, and not from the Spanish, and can denote something old, but its more precise meaning is "past."

It can mean something existing even today, but which had started sometime in the past.

~ Na'bubu ayo na taotao. (That person is irritating.)
~ Hagas ha! (Ever since!)

But there are times that hagas can include the idea that it is old.

I hagas guma'.  "The old house," but more accurately "the house from the past."  The prior house could actually be just a few years old, but it still is the house prior to the present house.  So it doesn't specifically mean "old."

Something hagas can be from the past and still remaining, but also something from the past that remains no more.

I hagas guinaiya-ña.  Her old love (crush).

AN EXAMPLE

This matter arose when someone asked me to help them translate this English phrase into Chamorro :

Our old roots.

His first thought was : I man åmko' na hale'-ta.

But åmko' can only refer to people, not things.

So, his choices are :

I man antigo na hale'-ta.

I man biho na hale'-ta.

I hagas na hale'-ta.

I åntes na hale'-ta.

So basic rule of thumb is åmko' refers to only a person's age, not an inanimate object.

I've even heard God referred to as "I amko'"  The "old man."  How old?  Without beginning.

GRACE BEFORE MEALS IN CHAMORRO

Guam 1960s

There is a wonderful freedom we enjoy when it comes to Christian prayer.

As long as it is said from the heart, with due adoration, respect and humility, it's a good prayer!  And so it is with any prayer of thanksgiving before eating a meal.

But here's a traditional Chamorro version that has been around for many years :

Asaina, bendise este siha na nengkanno' ni para in kanno'

ni man måfåtto ginen i gineftao i kannai-mo, gi na'an i Tata,

yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espiritu Santo.  Amen.

Loosely translated, you will recognize the standard Catholic grace before meals in English :

Asaina, bendise este siha na nengkanno'
(Lord, bless this food)

ni para in kanno'
(which we are to eat)

ni man måfåtto
(which come)

ginen i gineftao i kannai-mo
(from the generosity of your hand)

gi na'an i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espiritu Santo.  Amen.
(in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit. Amen.)

BLESS THE TABLE

A standard comment one hears at many Chamorro gatherings is :

Fanohge para i ma bendisen i lamasa!
(Stand for the blessing of the table!)

To which someone invariably responds :

Ti i lamasa para u ma bendise, na i nengkanno'!
(It's not the table to be blessed, but the food!)

WHO BLESSES THE FOOD?

If there is a priest present, it is the norm to ask him to bless.

Of course, a bishop outranks the priest and he would be asked first, but the bishop could cede this to a priest if, for example, it's the priest's occasion.

If no clergy are present, the honor of leading grace before meals goes to one of the mañaina (elders and/or people of stature) such as the nåna (grandmother) or techa (prayer leader) or matlina (godmother).  Yes, women usually get the spot, but sometimes also men.

WHO GOES FIRST?

As you can see in the pic above, clergy go first.  Then it was pretty much whoever else, since the very elderly didn't line up at all but were rather catered to.  The elderly sat at their tables and someone else fixed a plate for them (ma na'yåne).

Today, as the culture wanes, it's everybody for himself, which means the energetic and agile kids get to the line first and Påle' has to go by the law of the survival of the fittest, on many occasions.

ILEK-ÑA SI PÅLE'

Seminarians at Fr Dueñas Minor Seminary

I mañaina siha debe u ha respeta i inayek-ñiha i famagu'on-ñiha na bokasion.
(Parents should respect the vocational choice of their children.)

Yanggen un påtgon låhe malago' man estudia para Påle' pat Etmåno,
(If a son wants to study for the priesthood or brotherhood,)

i saina ti debe na u estotba i patgon, pat u chomma i hinasson-ña.
(the parent should not bother the child or oppose his thinking.)

Yanggen un hagå-mo malago' humålom gi un konbenton Etmånas,
(If one of your daughters wants to enter a convent of Sisters,)

umisao hao dångkulo yanggen un chomma.
(you sin greatly if you oppose.)

Siña ha' despues de i patgon-mo man estudia unos kuåntos tiempo,
(It may be later after your child studies for a time,)

ha deside na ti inagang gue' as Yu'us pot este na bokasion,
(he decides that he isn't called by God for this vocation,)

este minalago' Yu'us.
(this is God's will.)

Yanggen i lahi-mo pat hagå-mo ti ha chage, nungka nai siña ha li'e kao hunggan pat åhe'
(If your son or daughter never tries, he will never be able to see if yes or no,)

ti man inagang siha as Yu'us para i relihioso na lina'la'.
(they are not called by God for the religious life.)

I mañaina debe u ha nå'e ånimo i famagu'on-ñiha para u ha chule' i ofision
(Parents should encourage their children to take up the position of)

maestro, enfetmera, mediko pat håfa otro na ofisio ni siña ha ayuda i pumalon taotao siha.
(teacher, nurse, doctor or whatever other work can help other people.)

Magåhet na guaha na biåhe nai ti dangkulo na suetdo man ma sosodda' guennao siha na ofisio
(It's true that there are times that big salaries are not found in those positions)

lao man maulek este siha na cho'cho' na todo i taotao siha man finaborerese.
(but these are good jobs where all the people benefit.)

Nå'e ånimo i famagu'on-miyo siha na u ha kontinua gi eskuela kuånto i siña na inapmam.
(Encourage your children to continue in school as long as possible.)

Kuånto mås meggai edukasion-ña i patgon-mo, yanggen åt mismo tiempo maulek gue' lokkue' na påtgon Yu'us,
(The more education your child has, if at the same time he is a good child of God,)

mås meggai inayudå-ña nu hågo i patgon-mo siña un li'e kontodo i pumalon taotao siha
(you can see the more your child is able to help you as well as the other people)

yanggen ha na' fonhåyan i umeskuelå-ña.
(if he finishes his schooling.)

PRE-WAR BARRIGADA BARRIOS

The modern village of Barrigada which we know today was not quite the same as it was before the war.

Indeed, in the late Spanish period (1800s), there really was no organized municipality called Barrigada. There definitely were farms; many farms!  All the areas and districts included in what we now call Barrigada were some of the best agricultural lands on the island.  Those who worked the farms, mostly men, spent the night at the ranch house during the week, but returned to Hagåtña for the weekend to attend Mass and be with their families.

But by the 1920s, people started to live permanently in the outlying villages of central and northern Guam. Slowly, the priests built chapels in these villages where Mass could be held periodically, but not everyday. These priests still lived in Hagåtña and had to drive cars to these chapels.  Eskuelan Påle' (catechism class or CCD as we know it today) was also held in these chapels.

The government also built a few schools in the central and northern villages.

The municipal lines for Barrigada before the war included what is now Toto and Mangilao.

In 1940, there were already 875 people living in this municipality.

The different barrios or districts in the municipality, with their populations in parentheses, were :

ADACAO (48) - on the present back road to Andersen.

ASMUYAO and SONGLAGO (30) - towards Mangilao and Chalan Pago

CAÑADA and LEYANG (29) - more or less the present locations

GUAE and SABANAN PÅGAT (29) - further north on the back road to Andersen, past Adacao

JALAGUAG and MAITE (103) - Jalaguag was just before Tiyan if you were heading northeast towards Tiyan from Hagåtña.

LALO and SAN ANTONIO (116) - San Antonio was where much of the village proper of Barrigada is today; Lalo was south of that.

MACHAUTI and TOTO (22) - just north of Cañada

MAGA (83) - south of Mangilao, going towards the coast (Pago Bay)

MANGILAO (43)

NALAO (110) - in the area of the present village proper of Barrigada

TIYAN (24) - now the airport!

UNGAGUAN (238) - in the vicinity of the Admiral Nimitz Golf Course, past PC Lujan school

There are many other barrios located in the old, prewar municipality but they are not singled out in the population figures but are most likely grouped with the others who are mentioned.

These other barrios included Aspengao, Luayao, Mochom and Pinate, to name a few.

The present village of Barrigada does a nice job memorializing these districts by naming many of the streets after them.

UNGAGUAN might come from the word ungak which means "to tip to one side" or  "to bend something down," as in tipping a bench to one side or grabbing the branch of a tree and bending it down.

The family name Ungacta most likely comes from the word ungak.

Though we don't have any clear proof where the name Ungaguan comes from, there are two possibilities.

The suffix -guan means "to do something unintentionally" as in pineddongguan (to let something fall unintentionally) or "to do something against the will of someone" as in chule'guan (to take something away from someone unwilling to give it).  Ungaguan could mean "unintentionally tilting or bending."

Or, the suffix - an could be in use in Ungaguan.  -An means "place of."  Ungaguan could mean the place of tipping or bending to one side.

FORGOTTEN CHAMORRO : HUNTER

KASADULES : hunter

This word is so forgotten, it doesn't even make it into the latest Chamorro dictionary; a very extensive dictionary at that.

But it is found in Påle' Roman's Chamorro dictionary of 1932.

It's interesting because both peskadot and kasadules are derived from Spanish loan words.

Peskadot originally just meant "fisherman."  It comes from the Spanish words pescar, which means "to fish."

Chamorros also borrowed from that word and use peska to mean "to fish."

Pumepeska si Jose.  Jose is fishing.

One could also say pipeska. Someone who peska (the duplication of the first syllable means continuous or habitual activity). For example, kånta is "to sing." A kakanta is someone who habitually sings, i.e. a singer.

It all goes together nicely when one recalls that the Spanish word for "fish" is pez. That itself comes from the Laitn word for "fish," which is piscis, in the plural, pisces.  Yes, like the zodiac sign.

We have our own indigenous way of saying "to catch fish."  We use the root word konne', which means "to take" but is applied only to living or animate objects (or inanimate objects which represent living things, like the statue of a saint).

Mangonne' guihan nigap si Jose.  Jose caught fish yesterday.

The prefix e'- means "to look for." E'che'cho' means "to look for work." E'guihan means "to look for fish." This is probably connected to higuihan, a word Påle' Román says (in 1932) means "fisherman."

Sipik is a word defined by de Freycinet as "fisherman." De Freycinet was a French explorer who visited Guam in 1819.

A talayero is someone who uses a talåya, a specific kind of throw net used for fishing. That word comes from a word used in Latin America for a throw net, atarraya. The -ero suffix should be a clue as to the Hispanic background of the word talayero. We see it in panadero (baker); pan (bread) plus -adero.

KASADULES

Påle' Román's 1932 dictionary

In past times, Chamorros also borrowed the Spanish word cazadores, which means "hunters."

The caza is the hunt, or the chase (connected to the word caza). Caza-dor is someone on the chase, who hunts.

Since we don't like the R sound, when Chamorros pronounced this word, the R was changed to L and it came out kasadules.

Compare the sticker above, with the deer and peskadot, and this sticker with a deer as well but with cazadores.  The word is used in the brand name of a kind of tequila.  Hunters' tequila!

In more recent times, more and more people stopped using kasadules.  But people still hunt, so they turned to peskadot to refer to hunters.

By the way, why is it kasadules, in the plural, even when talking about one hunter?

Because, for whatever reason, many words we borrowed from Spanish we keep in the plural, even if we refer to a single object.

Think of un espehos (one mirror), tres na espehos (three mirrors).

Un sapåtos (one shoe), sais na sapåtos (six shoes).

There's no logical reason for it.  It's just what we thought sounded better.

A CHANGING TRADITION : KOTPUS

LÅNCHON KOTPUS IN HAGÅTÑA IN THE 1920s

Catholics around the world celebrate an annual feast called Corpus Christi, recalling the Catholic belief in the Real Presence of Jesus in the Holy Eucharist.

What Guam, the Marianas and many other places do, but which not all Catholics do, is erect outdoor temporary altars, or stations, to be used during the procession held on Corpus Christi.  Chamorros call these altars Lånchon Kotpus.  It literally means "Corpus ranch," and no one knows for sure why Chamorros a long time ago called them that.

Before the war, when Catholicism was extremely strong in our culture, the Corpus Christi procession was a grand affair, especially in Hagåtña.

The Låncho, as can be seen in the photo above, was exquisitely decorated with the best fabrics, lighting fixtures, religious statuary and plants.

The Låncho were built by lay people in one of the residential homes.  Usually, a whole family was committed to setting up the Låncho as an annual project.  Other people, too, would come and assist.

Looking at the elaborate design and all the details of the old photo, one can tell that people put a lot of time and effort into making the Låncho.

CORPUS CHRISTI PROCESSION IN HAGÅTÑA

Early 1920s

The procession, too, easily involved thousands of people; perhaps 80% or more of the 10,000 people who made up the pre-war Hagåtña population.  Men and women marched separately.  The priest was assisted by two other priests as deacon and subdeacon in full vestments.  A canopy was held over the priest as he carried the Monstrance containing the Sacred Host. Men occupying high roles in the Church wore white suits and special sashes and escorted the clergy in the procession.

You can see in the photo of the procession how the women, dressed in mestisa, knelt on the bare earth when the Monstrance passed by.  Such was the faith of the people back then.

AFTER THE WAR

A LÅNCHO IN 1953

The 10,000 people originally from Hagåtña before the war were scattered all over central and northern Guam after the Liberation.  People were still recovering from the war and so, in the early post-war years, it's understandable that not all the material adornments could be had.

In time, the Låncho designs started to change from intricacy to simplicity.

A Låncho of the 1960s in Sinajaña shows how, even then, there was a turn towards more simplicity.

By the time I was old enough to serve Mass in the 1970s, one could already start to see the changes.  My first recollections of the Corpus Christi procession in the early 70s included :

• the Låncho, three in number, were still at private homes
• the procession was on Sunday afternoon; yes, it was hot
• the route was long, since the homes where the Låncho were located were not always near each other
• the number of participants was large, but not overwhelming

In Sinajaña, for example, we would process from the church to the first Låncho at one end of the baseball field; then clear across over to Bishop Baumgartner side where the second Låncho was at Ton Antonion Gas' house (San Nicolas).  The final and third Låncho was near the present-day Payless Market.  That was a long route, in the late afternoon heat.

By the 1980s, some parishes started to experiment having the procession at other times to avoid the heat. Some chose to have it after the earliest morning Mass.  Today, many have the procession after the Saturday late afternoon or evening Mass.

But, even then, one could count on only 80%, if that, of the crowd at Mass to participate in the procession. Attendance has gone down dramatically, even when the procession avoids the hottest time of the day.

Another difficulty that developed by the 1980s was finding places for the Låncho.  Some families gave up the tradition when the matriarch or patriarch in the family, who was committed to the Låncho, passed away. Sometimes pastors themselves looked for spots closer to the church in order to shorten the route, even if it meant that the Låncho would no longer be at a private residence.

Designs for the Låncho continued to become simpler and simpler.  Sometimes carports were turned into Lånchos, and then later pop-up tents or canopies were used. The ornate pre-war designs are seen no more. The huge crowds, the canopies used in the procession; the VIP men in their white suits and sashes; the veiled women kneeling on the ground...all a thing of the past.

In some parishes, all the Låncho are right there on church property, at different corners or even lined up in a row, making for a very short procession. Attendance at the procession is still focused on those who attend the preceding Mass, with perhaps a few others especially devoted to this feast participating.

THE LÅNCHON KOTPUS TODAY

SINAJAÑA

AGAÑA HEIGHTS

HAGÅTÑA

ASAN

TOTO

PITI

OLEAI, SAIPAN

So, the hallmarks of the tradition of the Lånchon Kotpus and procession today include the following :

• simple but beautiful designs, set up by dedicated people still loyal to the tradition
• proximity to the church for a shorter route
• at an hour of the day which is cooler

Perhaps some parishes can consider keeping some of these accommodations to modern conditions, but also reviving some of the wise customs of the past that stirred up our faith through external signs.