Thursday, January 9, 2014

I ME'ME' I MÅS PÅTGON NA SOBRINU-HO



Tamuning. 1970s

Eståba yo' Tamuning sa' guaha para bai fåhan gi tenda.
(I was in Tamuning because there was something I was going to buy at the store.)

Lao esta yo' ma empong ya ti siña hu sustiene.
(But I was already needing to urinate and I couldn't hold it.)

Hu li'e na tåya' taotao gi tatten i tenda.
(I saw that there was no one behind the store.)

Pot i ti halom tåno' yan bula guma', ti ma'å'ñao yo' tuminane' guihe na lugåt.
(Because it wasn't jungle and there were many buildings, I wasn't afraid to urinate in that place.)

Lao ai lokkue' ayo na pupuenge!  Pokpok i addeng-ho yan sen puti.
(But oh that night! My foot was swollen and it was very painful.)

Esta tatalo'puenge ya ti siña hu sungon.
(It was already midnight and I couldn't bear it.)

Guaha palao'an; åhe' ti suruhåna gue' lao guaha tiningo'-ña pot este siha na sinisede.
(There was a woman; she wasn't a medicine woman but she knew something about these things.)

Pues hu ågang gue' ya ha tågo' yo' para bai fangågao i me'me' i mås påtgon na sobrinu-ho.
(So I called her and she told me to ask for the urine of my youngest nephew.)

Pues hu ågang i kiñadå-ho, achok ha' esta a las dos gi chatanmak.
(So I called up my sister-in-law, even though it was two in the morning.)

Ilek-ña, "Dalai na ora este i para un ågang yo'!"
(She said, "My what an hour for you to call me!")

Lao annai hu sangåne gue' håfa presisu-ho, ha pångon i lahi-ña, i mås påtgon na sobrinu-ho.
(But when I told her what I needed, she woke up her son, my youngest nephew.)

Hinengang i patgon ya ilek-ña, "Ha?  Håfa malago'-ña si tiu-ho?"
(The boy was shocked and said, "What?  What does my uncle want?")

Kololo'-ña annai tinago' gue' gi as nanå-ña, "U.  Chule' este na båso ya un na' bula ni meme'-mo."
(Especially when his mother told him, "Here.  Take this glass and fill it with your urine.")

Lao konfotme i sobrinu-ho ya ha cho'gue.
(But my nephew agreed and did it.)

Hu nå'ye gi addeng-ho ya sigiente dia hu bira yo' para ayo na lugåt nai tuminane' yo' ya mangågao yo' dispensasion.
(I put it on my foot and the next day I returned to the place where I relieved myself and ask for forgiveness.)

Una ora despues mumågong i pokpok i addeng-ho ya sigiente dia må'pos kabåles todo i puti-ho.
(One hour later the swelling of my foot eased up and the next day all my pain completely went away.)

I me'me' i mås påtgon na sobrinu-ho fuma'maolek yo'.
(The urine of my youngest nephew fixed me.)

NOTES

~ Ma empong.  Some Chamorros say "ma empon."

~ Addeng.  On Guam, Chamorros say patas, but originally that referred only to the feet or animals, and is borrowed from Spanish.  The original word for the human foot is addeng.  This is still the word used in the Northern Marianas.

~ Tuminane'.  The root word is tåne', which means to "be busy, occupied, entertained."  It's a euphemism for urinating; a polite way of talking about this call of nature.

~ The man thought that since Tamuning is developed and commercial, he'd have no worries concerning spirits.

~ Don't forget there is a difference between mågong (healing, relief, easing) and måhgong (peace).

Wednesday, January 8, 2014

"YOU'RE NOT CUTTING IT OFF!"



Many old-time Chamorros resisted amputations.  They flatly told the doctor, "You're not cutting it off."

Reasons differed, but one frequent Chamorro explanation was this :

"Annai ha na' huyong yo' si Yu'us, todo kabåles.  Mungnga yo' na bai hu fåna' si Yu'us 'nai måtai yo'  ya u fåtta uno gi dos addeng-ho."  "When God made me, all was complete.  I don't want to face God when I die and be lacking one of my two feet."

Or,

"Kabåles ha fa'tinas yo' si Yu'us, kabåles bai hu na' na'lo."  "God made me complete, complete I will give it back."

Even when told that by letting one foot remain, s/he would die and lose both feet and his entire body, he or she would say, "Gao-ko hu fåna' si Yu'us yan entero i tataotao-ho, ke ni para bai hu fåna' Gue' ya guaha fåfåtta gi tataotao-ho."  "I prefer to face God with all of my body, than to face Him and something be missing of my body."

Either they weren't catechized enough about the resurrection of the body (whole and entire) or they were using this as a convenient excuse to forego surgery.  Even if a man's body were blown to bits in war, dissected by several hungry sharks or burned to ashes in a house fire, God will have no trouble re-assembling all the bits and pieces on the day of resurrection.

Friday, January 3, 2014

I ESKUROSA NA BIHA



Hagåtña.  1930s

Told to me by a woman in her eighties.

Annai dikkike' yo', guaha un palao'an giya Hagåtña ni mampos eskurosa.
(When I was little, there was a woman in Hagåtña who was overly squeamish.)

Ti ya-ña ma bisita gi gima' sa' ti ya-ña taotao.
(She didn't like to be visited at home because she didn't like people.)

Yanggen ma dilingding i kampåna gi pettån-ña, siempre ha saosao i batunes sa' guaha taotao pumacha.
(If someone rang the doorbell, she would definitely wipe the button because someone touched it.)

Yanggen ma nå'e gue' nengkanno', siempre ha chåhlao pot no u nina'pinite i munå'e gue', lao an må'pos i taotao, siempre ti u kånno', sa' kånnai otro na taotao fuma'tinas.
(If she was given food, she would accept it not to hurt the feelings of the one who gave it, but when the person left, she wouldn't eat it because someone else's hands prepared it.)

Todo i un pacha seguro na u saosao, ya ti u fan nangga asta ke må'pos hao pot no un li'e, lao ha chocho'gue gi me'nå-mo!
(Everything you touched she would wipe, and she wouldn't wait till you left so you wouldn't see her do that, but she would do it right in front of you!)

Sa' pot i sumåsåga este na palao'an gi entalo' i gimå'-ho yan i gima' i bihå-ho, sesso yo' maloffan gi me'nan i gimå'-ña.
(Because this lady lived in between my house and my grandmother's house, I often passed in front of her house.)

Hekkua' ti hu tungo' pot håfa na rason lao ya-ña yo' este na palao'an ya kada ha li'e na maloloffan yo' gi chalan gi me'nan i gimå'-na, siempre ha kombida yo' para in gimen chokolåte. 
(I don't know for what reason but this woman liked me and every time she sees me on the street going past the front of her house, she would invite me to drink chocolate with her.)

Pues fiho ha faisen yo' kao malago' yo' maigo' gi gimå'-ña lao ma'åñao yo' sa' ni håfåfa ya-ho pumacha gi halom gumå'-ña sa' siempre ha saosao.
(Then she often asked me if I wanted to sleep at her house but I was afraid because I didn't want to touch anything at all inside her house because then she'd wipe it.)

Pues hu oppe gue' na mungnga yo' maigo' gi gimå'-ña sa' esta guaha kattre-ko gi gimå'-ho.
(So I answered her that I didn't want to sleep at her house because I already had my own bed at my house.)

Buente pot i kasao este na palao'an lao ti siña gue' gumaipatgon na ya-ña yo' ya ha espipia yo' todo i tiempo.
(Perhaps, because this lady was married but couldn't have a child, she liked me and was always looking for me.)

Man manman i mañe'lu-ho yan amigu-ho siha na ha kombida yo' hålom gi gimå'-ña este na palao'an para in gimen chokolåte sa' siha na famagu'on ni ngai'an u fan kinembida para u fan hålom gi gimå'-ña ayo na eskurosan biha.
(My siblings and friends were astonished that this lady invited me into her house to drink chocolate with her, because those kids would never be invited to enter the home of that finicky old lady.)


NOTES

Eskurosa.  The word is borrowed from the Spanish asqueroso, which means "disgusting, yucky, loathsome, repulsive" and so on.  So, in Chamorro, we've given the word a new twist, because for us it means someone who is easily disgusted; in other words, someone squeamish or finicky.

Chamorros also pronounced it their own way, askuroso/askurosa at first, but now most people will say eskuroso/eskurosa, the first way for a male and the second for a female.

Chocolate.  The lady didn't ask the girl to come in and eat chocolate, nor to drink hot cocoa.  The old lady was following an old Spanish tradition of drinking actual melted chocolate.  Bars of chocolate were put to the fire and drunk hot.  The Chocolate House in the present-day Plaza de España area was so-called, supposedly, because it was where the wife of the Spanish Governor served chocolate drinks to visitors or among the Governor's family and associates.


THE REAL PERSON

This amusing story is based on a real lady who lived in the capital city before the war.

I know her identity, but since her extended family is still around, I won't identify her.

My informant, now an elderly lady herself, told me that this lady's story ended on a sad note.  By the time of the war, the lady was by herself, her husband was out of the picture and she had no children.

During the march to Mañenggon right before the fierce battle to take Guam back from the Japanese, the lady died somehow.  Being alone, people don't really know under what circumstances she died.

Saturday, December 28, 2013

A BOOK ON SUMAY


It's been almost seventy years since the people of Sumay were forcibly moved by the US Navy from their beloved town, with its fertile farm lands and rich marine life, to the rough, wooded hills of Santa Rita after World War II.  But the people of Sumay, even their descendants who never knew life there, remain very attached to their home town, now part of the US Naval Station.

These memories and fond affection for Sumay have given birth to a new book, written by James Perez Viernes, a descendant of a Sumay family and now on the faculty of the University of Guam.

The book has everything; many historic photographs, historical data, personal stories and anecdotes by pre-war residents, a map of Sumay showing the location of each family's lot, photos of the parish priests, music.



I was happy to help in Viernes' project by sharing some old photos and whatever insights I could share with him in conversation.  I also submitted a small write-up about the strong connection between the Capuchin priests and the people of Sumay/Santa Rita. A hundred and eight years' worth of connection!

The book is available for purchase at the Santa Rita Church.  Phone number 565-2160.

Highly recommended.

Thursday, December 26, 2013

I RINEKTON I MAN ÅMKO'



In the 1930s in Hagåtña :

Ocho åños ha' yo' guihe na tiempo ya eståba na tumotohge yo' gi bentåna, hu a'atan todo i maloloffan gi sanhiyong.
(I was only eight years old at that time and I was standing at the window, watching all that was passing by outside.)

Måtto si tiå-ho, ni che'lon nanå-ho, i mas åmko' gi mañe'lo.
(My aunt came, my mother's sister, the oldest of the siblings.)

Ilek-ña, "Håye na låhe un a'atan!"
(She said, "What boy are you looking at!")

"Bai na' minagågon ganggotche hao ya bai kandålo i kuåtto!"
("I'm going to clothe you in gunny sack and lock the room!")

Dalai gue', ocho åños ha' yo'!  Håfa mohon tiningo'-ho pot låhe!
(The nerve of her, I was only eight!  What would I know about boys!)

Monday, December 23, 2013

KÅNTAN NOCHEBUENA GIYA LUTA



From Luta (Rota) comes this charming Christmas carol which borrows from several Spanish melodies and combines them into this medley.

It's very possible that a German missionary in Luta, Capuchin Father Corbinian Madre, wrote much of these verses, because we do know that he composed other hymns in Chamorro for the people of Luta, using music already known in Europe.  But, as far as I know, we have no clear evidence that he is the author of these Chamorro verses.

Another clue that the author is perhaps a foreign missionary is the use of Spanish terms that were not in wide usage among Chamorros even at that time.  Many of the German Capuchins who were sent to the Northern Marianas, from 1907 till the Japanese expelled the last of them in 1919, spoke some Spanish and freely incorporated Spanish vocabulary into their Chamorro speech and writings, even if the majority of Chamorros didn't always understand some words.

LYRICS

I ångheles mangåkånta yan suåbe na kompås :
"Gloria as Yu'us gi langet yan para i taotao pås!"
 
Gloria para i taotao tåno' pås!
 
Gloria a Dios en las Alturas;
para i taotao tåno' pås!
Mafañågo i Mesias
giya Belen gi un pottåt.
 
Gloria para i taotao tåno' pas!
 
Ya u hongga i tembåt,
dåndån-ña u ma dånsa!
Pastores a pottåt,
fatoigue sin tåtdånsa!
Guihe, guihe, guihe ta sodda' si Jesus!
Guihe, guihe ta sodda' si Jesus!
 
Ta chule' i turrones yan miet
ya ta ofrese i Niño Manuel!  Manuel!
 
English
 
The angels are singing with a gentle rhythm :
"Glory to God in heaven and peace to mankind."
 
Glory, peace to mankind on earth!
 
Glory to God in the Highest,
peace to mankind on earth!
The Messiah has been born,
in Bethlehem, in a stable.
 
Glory, peace to mankind on earth!
 
May the sound of the drum be heard,
may they dance to its beat!
Shepherds, to the stable,
go without delay!
There, there, there we will find Jesus!
There, there we will find Jesus!
 
Let's take nougat and honey
and offer the child Emmanuel!  Emmanuel!
 
Notes
 
---The opening line, "I ångheles mangåkånta...." is the same line of a carol sung in Saipan.  It seems this Luta carol is a medley of several musical pieces.
 
---Notice the line "Gloria a Dios en las Alturas" is left completely untranslated.  It is kept in its original Spanish, perhaps to rhyme with pås.
 
---Tembåt.  The more familiar word for "drum" is tambot, from the Spanish tambor.  This is more than likely tambot but there is a change in vowel placement.  Perhaps a distinctive Rotanese version of tambot.  Conveniently, tembåt rhymes with pottåt, seen in the next lines.
 
---Dånsa.  Again, the usual word for "dance" is baila.  Both baila and dånsa are borrowed from the Spanish and they both are connected to the word "dance."
 
---Pottåt.  In Saipan and Luta, the word for "stable" is often pottåt, from the Spanish portal.  On Guam, the more usual word is liyang for "cave."  Depending on the Gospel, Jesus was born in a stable or in a cave.  So, on Guam, pottåt is rarely heard.
 
---Pastores a pottåt.  The phrase, though pronounced in a Chamorro way, is thoroughly Spanish.  The word "a" means "to," in Spanish.  "Shepherds, to the stable!"
 
---Tåtdånsa.  From the Spanish tardanza for "delay."  This is a word almost unknown among Chamorros, even very senior ones, today.  But perhaps in those days a few more people were familiar with it.
 
---Turrones.  A Spanish candy, like nougat.  The singers in this recording pronounce it "tarones."
 
---Miet.  Honey, and is borrowed from the Spanish miel.  The singers here pronounce it "muet."

THE SPANISH ORIGINAL


At least one part of the Rota version is taken from this traditional Spanish villancico, or Christmas carol.

I find it charming that the Chamorro version runs quite parallel to the Spanish :

Allí, allí  (Guihe, guihe)
nos espera Jesús.  (Ta sodda' si Jesus)

Llevemos pues turrones y miel (Ta chule' i turrones yan miet)
para ofrecer al Niño Enmanuel. (ya ta ofrese i Niño Manuel.)

***Some Spanish versions just say Manuel rather than Enmanuel.  They both mean the same thing.

Thursday, December 19, 2013

SPANK FIRST, THEN ASK QUESTIONS



In olden times, many parents lived by the philosophy "Spank first, then ask questions."

One lady recounts her story, which happened in the early 1960s on Guam :

Guaha maestro-ko ni gof na' bubu.
(I had a teacher who was very irritating.)

Ti ya-ña i na'ån-ho, ya pot ennao ti ha å'ågang yo' ni propio na'ån-ho.
(He didn't like my name, and because of that he didn't call me by my proper name.)

En lugåt, ha nå'e yo' ni otro na nå'an.
(Instead, he gave me another name.)

Pues, guåho hu sangåne gue', "Pues hågo si Mister Såtna."
(So, I told him, "So you are Mister Scabies.")

Lalålo' i taotao, ya ha dulalak yo' ginen i 'classroom.'
(The man got mad, and he kicked me out of the classroom.)

Ti hu tungo' na ha ågang si nanå-ho gi telefon.
(I didn't know that he called my mother on the phone.)

Ya ha hongang yo' si nanå-ho gigon måtto yo' gi gima',
(And my mother surprised me as soon as I got to the house,)

sa' ni sikiera ti humuhuyong un palåbra ginen i pachot-ho,
(because not even one word came out of my mouth,)

ha saolak yo' ni diruru åntes de ha faisen yo' håfa ma susede!
(she spanked me hard before she asked me what happened!)

Despues, hu sångane gue' håfa bidå-ña i maestro-ko,
(Later, I told her what my teacher did,)

ya ilek-ña si nanå-ho, "Achoka ha' lache bidå-ña i maestro-mo,
(and my mother said, "Even though your teacher did wrong,)

hågo lokkue' lache bidå-mo!"
(you, too, did wrong!")

Pues hu oppe si nanå-ho,
(So I answered my mother,)

"Un saolak yo' pot i lache na bidå-ho."
("You spanked me for my error.")

"Håye på'go para u sinaolak i maestro-ko pot i lache na bidå-ña?"
("Who now is going to spank my teacher for his error?")

Karamba sa' ha saolak yo' ta'lo si nanå-ho!
(My goodness, my mother spanked me again!)

On spanking, Archbishop Fulton Sheen said it was OK provided it was given

firm enough
often enough
 
and (most importantly?)
 
LOW enough!

Wednesday, December 11, 2013

MARY & THE MARIANAS : THE FIRST CONNECTION



When Chamorros of Guam think of the Blessed Mother, they almost always think of Our Lady of Camarin.  When we think of the Marianas being the "Islands of Mary," she seems a natural first thought.

But she comes sometime after the Catholic mission started under Sanvitores in 1668. 

Few of us know that there was actually an earlier link between Chamorros and the Blessed Mother; one that pre-dates Sanvitores and goes beyond Guam's borders.

The year is 1638 and the place is Tinian.

That was the year the Spanish ship, the Concepción, broke apart off Agingan Point in southern Saipan.  Spanish accounts say that the famous chief ( maga'låhe ) in Tinian, Taga', saw the Blessed Virgin Mary appear.  She encouraged him to become a Christian and to help the survivors of the shipwreck in nearby Saipan.  Evidently he was convinced.

He was baptized by a survivor, Marcos Fernández, and given the surname Corcuera, then Governor General of the Philippines.  Taga' was also called Jose Taga' by some sources.

Taga' then arranged with the maga'låhe of Hagåtña, Quipuha, to have the survivors sent to Manila.

The Spanish accounts say that the family of Taga' remained supporters of Christianity and that their home, in southern Tinian, became a house for Christian instruction and conversion. 

When Sanvitores came to Guam in 1668, he named Tinian "Buenavista Mariana."  "Buena Vista" means, "Good View or Vision," referring to the apparition of Mary. 

Nonetheless, Tinian became the site of some opposition to the Spanish missionaries and the place where Jesuit priest Agustin Strobach was clubbed to death in 1684, 16 years into the history of the Catholic mission.

The documents do not give many details about the Tinian apparition.  Did Taga' see Mary in the sky?  In a dream?  On land?  What was she wearing?

The information provided creates more questions.  If the family of Taga' formed a kind of nascent Christian community, as the sources say, why is it that the later missionaries do not say anything about a small community of baptized and catechized Tinian Chamorros, formed independently of the Jesuits?

Still, the sinking of the Concepción was only thirty years before the arrival of Sanvitores.  People who were living in 1638 were still around in 1668.  It seems unlikely that the apparition story is a total fabrication, although one must leave some room for some embellishment, which people tend to do with any story, in any historical period, including our own.

So, the apparition of Mary to Taga' in Tinian in 1638 could very well be the first direct link between Mary and the islands which bear her name.


The Concepción

Sunday, December 1, 2013

FAMILIA : ROJAS



The surname Rojas does not appear in the older Guam censuses of the 1700s.  So we can assume, then, that the first Rojas in Guam came in the last decades of the 1700s and perhaps in the early 1800s.  He could have come from Spain, Latin America or the Philippines or somewhere else.  Rojas is found mainly in southern Spain (Andalucia) where larger numbers of Spaniards left the mother country for the Spanish colonies overseas.

The surname is Spanish, though some Portuguese also have it.

The prevailing theory about the origin of the name is that it is toponymic, named after a geographical location. There are two towns in Spain named Rojas.  Or, a family could have been called Rojas because they lived near a place with red features (soil, terrain, etc.)  Rojas is related to the Spanish word rojo, meaning red. Rojas is the feminine plural form of rojo.

In the 1897 Census of Guam and Rota, we have the following male heads of families named Rojas.

ROJAS-DEMAPAN

Two men, possibly brothers, are Rojas with the middle name (maternal) Demapan.

Jose Demapan Rojas, born around 1830, was married to Narcisa Diaz.

Another Rojas, born around 1837, also has Demapan for a middle name : Cecilio Demapan Rojas, married to Josefa de los Reyes.

Then we have a younger Rojas, Antonio, born around 1867, who has the middle name Diaz.  It is possible, then, that Antonio is the son of Jose, whose wife was a Diaz.

Antonio, by the way, married Ana Cruz Atoigue.

ANOTHER ROJAS

Then we have a widower.  Mariano Rojas, born around 1841.  Unfortunately, we do not know (yet) his middle name.  However, his birth year of 1841 does make him a possible brother of Jose and Cecilio.  If he was, then he would have been a Demapan Rojas as well, and then we have the good possibility that one Rojas came to Guam in the 1820s and married a woman from the Demapan family.

What seems nearly clear is that Jose, Cecilio and Mariano, if not brothers, could be cousins, grandchildren of a single Rojas male who came to Guam at the end of the 1700s or beginning of the 1800s.  I wish I could tell the family the native land of their ancestor.

ROXAS

In Manila there is the famous Roxas Boulevard that goes north-south alongside Manila Bay, passing the American Embassy down to Pasay City.

In times past, X and J had the same sound in Spanish.  Think of Mexico and Texas.  In Spanish, one says the X like our English H.

That Boulevard is named after former Philippine President Manuel Roxas.

Which leads us to this....

CAMP ROXAS

FB camp roxas

After WW2, when more labor was needed for the military build-up on Guam than the island was able to supply, the US military brought in many Filipino workers.  Camp Roxas in Agat was their home, and is a part of our island's history.  Visit www.camproxas.com




Monday, November 25, 2013

LISÅYON MÅTAI : PAST & PRESENT

Culture is never static; there are always changes of one kind or another.  Changes in the material culture - what people do, the time they have or don't have, the resources they enjoy or lack - have an effect on other aspects of culture.

Here's a look at the way we used to pray the rosary for the dead, compared to now.  We're not looking here at the wake or the burial; just the rosary.



WHERE?
 
PAST....THE HOME      PRESENT....THE CHURCH

Rosaries for the dead held in a church is a recent thing, starting in the early 1970s.  There is a lot of convenience for the family having it in church.  The family does not need to find seating for the large numbers who usually attend.  Parking is usually not an issue.  Churches are air-conditioned.  As more and more families are foregoing serving any food at all, using the parish hall or putting up tents for refreshments (and borrowing the seating for that) becomes one less item to handle.  Don't forget garbage disposal.

But then one has to pay the parish. After all, electricity for all that air-conditioning isn't free for the church.  As more and more people die, there will be (and already have been) scheduling conflicts.  Only rarely have two separate families agreed to hold one rosary for two deceased people.  Having frequent rosaries in the church also adds to the wear and tear of the church building and grounds.  Rosaries at the church also have to fit around pre-scheduled parish events.  Some families choose to have the rosary at the home because there is a more personal feel to it; more of a connection to the deceased.

Before the early 70s, rosaries were held at the home.  Period.  An altar in the living room was set up just as soon as possible.  A techa (prayer leader) was contacted.  Folding chairs (before the war and right after) were not that easily borrowed so wooden benches were more often the seating.

FOOD
 
PAST...SIMPLE        PRESENT...CAN BE LIKE A FIESTA



Before the 1970s, people kept it simple.  Before the war, it was common for the family to pass out just mamå'on (pugua', pupulu and åfok; betel nut, pepper leaf and lime rock) to the guests to chew.  Other families would provide water and coffee and something along the line of bread and butter, broas (sponge cake), roskete.

On the final day of the public rosary, the ninth day, the family of the deceased would sometimes provide an actual meal but, again, the basics : åggon (staples) such as rice, titiyas, taro, yam, breadfruit (suni, dågo, lemmai); totche (viand) such as chicken, pork or beef prepared any number of ways; and one or two desserts.

Other families would keep a list of the families who attended.  Someone in the family would actually, in some cases, write down names in a notebook.  The deceased's family would kill a cow or pig on the ninth day, cook it and send portions of it to the families who had attended.

The techa  would be given a bigger share.  Sometimes the family would give her a paper bag full of pugas (uncooked rice), eggs and/or canned goods (laterias).  A techa would not be paid in cash.  That, actually, would have been considered an insult to most, if not all, techa.

By the 70s, full-on meals became more and more common.  All kinds of abuses accompanied this, though the intention of the family was good.  Whispers would roam the area about some people coming just to eat; different rosaries would be compared as to which served better food.  Up in Saipan, the bishop, in recent years, asked people to stop serving full meals when the rosary was held in church because of waste and the economic hardship on families who felt shame if they could not serve full meals each night for nine nights!

Sometimes, when a large clan is involved, the different branches can shoulder the burden and take one night each.  Other times, co-workers, or members of a club the deceased may have been in, will volunteer to sponsor a night.

What many younger Chamorros do not realize is that serving full meals each and every night is not part of the older tradition.  It is a new tradition that developed in the last 40 years, and is increasingly diminishing among many families who find it either a burden or unnecessary.

WHEN
 
PAST....MORE THAN ONCE A DAY      PRESENT.....ONCE A NIGHT

In the past, a rosary was said immediately after someone died.  This is still often the case.  But the big difference is that, today, families most often have the rosary just once at night.  In the past, while the deceased was not yet buried, the idea was to have as many rosaries as possible.

For example, if someone died in the morning, a rosary would be said immediately.  Then at 12 noon, then some families would say it again around 4PM.  The 8PM rosary was de rigueur.  That was the main rosary, and it was started at 8PM, not 745, nor 815.  Then again at 12 midnight - if the deceased was not yet buried.

Remember that, in the past, burial was as soon as possible, there being no morgue and no family members in the mainland or Hawaii that could just hop on a plane.  Thus, this round-the-clock rosary, more or less, was a matter of just a day or two at the most.

You can see why no huge meals could be served either in the old days.  The person might even be buried the afternoon of the day of death, if he or she had died in the wee hours of the morning.  There was no time to cook for 200 people, and few stores to run to, and little cash to buy with.

Today, people just understand that there is a rosary once a night, and the hour can differ, depending on the church schedule.  On the day of burial, the rosary is usually held during the viewing and not at night.  In fact, many people aim to have the funeral on the ninth day and be done with the whole process on the same day.

TWO ROUNDS OF ROSARIES
 
PAST....18 NIGHTS      PRESENT.....9 NIGHT

The old tradition is to pray two sets of rosaries of nine nights each.

The first round is for the public; the extended family, relatives and friends.  This is called the Lisåyon LinahyanLinahyan means "the multitude" but is meant here as the general public.

The second round is called the Lisåyon Guma'.   It literally means "the rosary of the house" and is meant for just the immediate family, especially those just living in the home of the deceased.   No refreshments were served in this rosary, and it was just once a day, at the 8PM hour.

The Lisåyon Guma' has all but disappeared now.

And even the rosary for the dead itself is disappearing, with some families wanting just nine nights of Mass intentions.  A pity, from my point of view.  But that is material for another post some day.